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Maalintii la ii keenay waxa aan mooday in ay miridh kasta wax noqon karto. Waxa la iigu dhiibay kartuush si cad loogu muujiyay ‘Walax jabi og, fadlan dhankan u taag’. Tabtii la iigu sheegay, ee aan farriinta meesha ku qoranna ka akhriyay ayaan kartuushkii u qotomiyay.
Habeenkii koowaad ee kartuushkaasi u hoydo dukaankayga il iyo baal isuma keenin, waan werweray, aroortiina neef weyn baa iga soo boodday markaan hubsaday inuu weli halkiisii yaallo oo sidii kor ugu jeedo. Habeenkii xigay tabtii oo kale, oo kii xigay, oo toddobaad iyo mid kale, iyo bil iyo sannad iyo sannado badan, kartuushkii halkiisii uun buu soo yaallaa, kor u jeedaa, waxba kuma kordhaan waxna kama dhacaan.

Aroortii dambe ayaa waxa booqasho kedis ah iigu yimi Fajac, oday aannu weligayo jaar ahayn se aan meheradda sidii aan u furay food soo gelin. Waa Fajac oo naaxay, aad u naaxay, kolkii hore inuu bararay ayaan mooday, markii se aan neefneefsigiisa iyo kelyaha xaydhu haraacyaynayso arkay ayaan gartay sida xaajo tahay, ninkuba wuxuu la cifanayaa baruur.

“Waar Daahir bal warran?” ayuu cod dirqi kaga soo baxay igu bariidshay, oo kadinkii dukaanka isku soo maqiiqay.
“Waa nabad Fajac ee soo dhaaf”
“Oo maxaan soo dhaafaa meeshu waa cidhiidhiye, maxaad albaabka intan le’eg meheradda ugu samaysay?” ayuu isaga oo hadba sin kadinkii ku soo jujuubaya yidhi. Waxa aan ku sigtay inaan idhaahdo ‘adigu maxaad sidaas ugu naaxday? Sow tan magaaladu wada caatada engegan ah, ma guurti baad noqotay?’ Haddana kuma aan dhicin, waxa aan is idhi ninkaas macmiisha cusub ah ha iska eryin, waxa kale oo aan ka werweray in aan nabadda dukaanku hayo waxyeelleeyo.

“Soo fadhiiso Fajac” ayaan ku idhi oo caagad kuwa saliidda ah oo ii kursi ahayd uga kacay.
“Waar miyaan meesha kursi kuu oollin?” ayuu igu yidhi.
“Maya, laakiin jawaan baan dhulka kuu gogli karaa”
“Sidaas baa la qaatay” intuu yidhi ayuu isaga oo gacantiisa midig cuskanaya sidii dayuuradihii Ruushka ee taangiyada waaweyn qaadi jiray si laxaad leh, se hab iyo maamul ka muuqdo dhulka u badhi dhigtay.

Uuuuf! Naqas baa iga soo booday, in odaygaas dhulka ku sii socdaa habaas kiciyo oo habaaskaasi nabadda kartuushka shelefka saaran ku jirta waxyeelleeyo ayaan ka baqayay, ma se dhicin. Mijin xun oo baarixi u eg ayuu docda kala soo baxay oo halkan barbarkiisa ah ku daadsaday. Intii uu meesha fadhiyay qof keli ahi dukaanka ma soo gelin kolka laga reebo gabadh xarragoonaysa oo afka iyo wejigaba casaysatay oo intay soo gashay xammuurad, diyaana iyo qasil i weydiisay, markaan idhi ma hayona degdeg u baxday.

“Ma Xaraf baan ku arkay mise Hargeysa Kilaab?” ayuu aniga oo aan fahmin waxa uu ujeedo i weydiiyay. Aniguna baqdin aan ka qabo in aan nabadda waxyeelleeyo awgeed ayaan ku idhi: “Labadaba”

Beryahaas odaygu i bartay ayaa laba yaryar oo ciyaal ahna la igu salliday. Dukaanka kadinkiisa iyaga oo ku gabbanaya ayuun baan maalinwalba arkaa. Maalintii dambe ayaan meel rukun ah ugu gabbaday oo mid ka mid ah dhab siiyay. Qaylo ayuu ka tolay.

“Maxaa dukaankayga kugu salliday?” markaan idhi, “bisadda soo gashay ayaannu eryanaynay” ayuu iigu warceliyay. “Aabbahaa iyo bisaddaba kud ee maalin dambe haddii aan dukaankayga kadinkiisa kugu qabto waad arki doontaa” ayaan ugu hanjebay oo sii daayay.

“Way inoo tahay” ayuu iigu hanjebay isna. Armuu dayuuskaas yari nabadda waxyeelleeyaa, ayaan ku fekeray. Waa Fajac haddana, wuu sii naaxay, intii toddobaad ka hor aan ku ogaa saddex laabkeed ayuu le’eg yahay, waar sidaas maxaa ka dhigay ayaan is idhi.

“Waar Daahirow bal warran?” ayuu igu bariidshay.
“Nabad weeye Fajac” waxa aan ka yaabay jawaanka qaadi doona ee uu mijintiisa dayuusadda ah ku cuni doono maanta.
“Waar sidani si maaha ee meheradda laba ferdedood ka dhig” ayuu talo igu siiyay. Oo ma adigaa macmiil laba ferdedood ka soo gashaba haysta, muxuu kaa waalayaa tolow.

Maalintaas dukaanka kadinkiisa ayuu iskaga qayilay, aniguna arrinkii labada ferdedood ayaan aad uga fekeray. Sidani si aan ku jiri karo maaha, haddii uu Fajac booqashada badiyo, maalinwalbana baruur hor lihi sii fuusho, miyaad jawaan debedda loo dhigo ku wadi karaysaa? Sow arrintaasi nabadda waxyeellaynmayso? Hammigaas aniga oo maskaxdayda ku kobcinaya ayaa labadii dayuus ee yaryaraa halkaas ka soo muuqdeen. Waa la jabay, dukaanka kadinkiisu wuu furan yahay, haddii ay dalaq yidhaahdaan oo halkaas nabaddu saaran tahay toos u abbaaraan sow meeshaas ceebi ka dhicimayso, ka hor tag ayaan go’aansaday. Dhenged halkan iigu tiirsan ayaan la balaw idhi oo ciyaalkii cagta cagta u saaray. Cabbaar markaan eryay ee Oryantalka weydaariyay ayaan iskaga soo hadhay.

“Waar maxaa kula haaday?”
“Kuwaas yaryar ee dayuusiinta ah ayaa i ogaaday oo aan dukaanka ka eryayaa”
“Dee bisaddooda usoo saar”
“Bisaddee?”
“Tii dukaanka gashay”
Waar odaygu miyuu waashay, oo sowdigii kadinka eegayay maaha ma bisad baa ku dhaaftay. Waar wuu indhadarreeyay odaygu.
“Adeer bisadi inama dhaafin”
“Jaw, wallaahay dukaankay ku jirtaa”
Waa la ba’ay, haddaa nabaddii go’day. Intaan hararaf idhi ayaan dukaankii isku shubay mise wallaahay bisad barabaro leh oo dhako buuran ayaa shelefkii nabaddu saarrayd dul yuururta.

Qaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaq budh halkan ii yaallay ayaan kula haliilay oo is idhi madaxa dhalfiifaha kaga dhig, oo waa bisade way ii jartay, oo aan nabadda agteedii ku bashaaqiyay. Naxdin baa wadnihii iskay taagi gaadhay.

Miyaaaw! Halkaas meel ah ayay indho guluub shidan la moodo igaga soo ifisay. Budhka kula kac ayaan ka fekeray, misna xusuustay ceebtii aan meesha ka dhigi gaadhay. Wax aan sameeyo aniga oo garan la’ ayuu Fajac oo debedda fadhiyaa ii dhawaaqay:
“Waar Daahir maxaa ku helay ee aad la sanqadhaysaa?”
“Fajacow waa bisaddii oo aan isleeyahay dukaanka ka saar”
“Waar bisaddu jiirka meesha ka soo galay bay eryanaysaa ee iska daa oo soo fadhiiso”

Fajac fajac badanaa, ma jiir baa dukaankayga ku jira. Aniga oo yaabban ayaan iska soo fadhiistay. Kolkaan salka dhigay ayaa bisaddii oo soconaysaa i dhaaftay. Markay dukaanka rukunkiisa ka sii leexanaysay ayay isoo eegtay, wejigeeda waxa aan ka akhriyay ‘dayuus wallee waanan kaa neefin ilaa aan jiirkayga dukaankaaga kala soo baxo’, aniguna in aan afgartay waxa ay ujeeddo oo aanan cid nabadda waxyeellaysa oggolayn ayaan indhaha uga sheegay.

Sidii aan ka baqayay Fajac booqashadiisii way igu badatay, aakhirkii waxa ay noqotay in aan ninkan odayga ahi debedda ku qayili karin maalinwalba, aniguna dukaanka iyo nabadda baylihin karin, sidaas aawadeed in albaabka ferdedihiisa la kordhiyo ayay ka fursanweyday.

Ceeb kale ayaa dhacday, odaygii Fajac wuu sii naaxayaa uun, ilaa maalintii dambe ay kelliftay in albaabkii labada ferdedood ahaa afar laga dhigo, afartiina lix laga dhigo, lixdiina siddeed, siddeeddiina toban ilaa dukaanka wajahaddiisii oo dhammi albaab noqotay. Bal haddaba waa taase yaa nabaddii kartuushka ku jirtay isha ku haynaya?

Galabtii dambe goor casar ah oo aan maalintii oo dhanna dukaanka fadhiyay ayaa Fajac oo oday kale oo isna buuran wataa ii yimi.

“Daahirow bal warran?”
“Waa nabad Fajac”

“Ninkanna waa saaxiibkay Amankaag, waa xoghayaha gaarka ah ee guddoomiye ku xigeenka kow iyo tobnaad ee golaha guurtida” ayuu hadal muujinaya in odayga kalena meel loo goglo iigu akhriyey. Maxaa aniga iyo xoghaye isu soo kaaya arkay, oo sow annagan odaygii guurtida uun ahaa isla liidanna maaha, haddii xoghaye yimaaddo sow guddoomiyena berri soo raacimaayo, oo maalinta xigtana odayadii oo dhammi imanmaayaan, miyaan dukaanka shaqadiisa, ilaalinta nabadda iyo marxabbaynta odayada isugu taag helayaa? Ma nin intaas oo meelood ka wada hoora baan ahay? Anigu ma gu baan noqon karayaa? Waar adeer xays aan iska ahaado marna da’a marna la waayo ee gu aanan biyihiisa iyo baaxaddiisa midna keenayn ha igu dirqiyina. Bal se si uun bay noqonne horta labadan iska sii debber baan is idhi.

“Amankaag, soo dhowow adeer” intaan odaygii bariidinayay ayaan arkay bisaddii aannu is haynay oo iyana bisad kale soo kaxaysatay oo dukaanka soo gelaysa; “Ii yara kaadsha” intaan odayadii ku idhi ayaan dhankii bisadaha isu sii daayay. Bal ammuurtan kaalaya, bisaddii awel markay i aragto taw odhan jirtay ayuun baa isku soo kay mutuxday. Naftaydii ayaanba u baqay, waar adeer maxaa si ah. Odayadii baan dib usoo jalleecay, waxa aan maqlay Fajac oo i xamanaya:

“Ninku waa nin wanaagsan, laakiin xilkan dheeraadka ah ee uu nabadda aan cidina muraad ka lahayn iska saarayo ayaa wareeriyay” ayuu ku yidhi Amankaag.
“Oo imika xagguu u orday?”
“Labadaas bisadood ee dukaanka soo galay ayay mid is hayaan, maalmahaasba way isugu jirtay, kolkaas iyagii buu ku ordayaa”

“Oo maxaad arrinta wax uga qabanweyday sow nabadgelyada waxyeelimayso?”
“Nabadgelyadu imika waa taam oo shuqashuqaynta waxba kuma noqoto, haddii aan dakhar ku dhicin oo aan lagaga dhiijin ruxmimayso, haddii ay ruxmiweydona risiqeennu wuxuu gelayaa futo jiir iyo cadaad. Sidaas aawadeed nabadgelyo niik caarak, ha iska futo xumaatee waxa ay u baahan tahay in la qaawiyo oo meeshan uu ku khabbaynayo debedda laga soo dhigo” ayuu ku dooday Fajac.
“Waan gartay, oo waxa aad leedahay ninkani nimankii hore bahasha waa kaga fara adag yahay?”
“Waar waa nin aan la qabsan xeerarka nabadda, wuxuu u haystaa inay nabaddu beed tahay, sidaas uun buu u koolkoolinayaa, inay ka dhacdo wax aan ka jecelahay wallaahay baanay u jirin, bisaddaas ayaan is lahaa way soo ridi doontaa kartuushka xun oo iyana waa mid segegerad ah, inay muruudka fadhiya masaajidka weyn wax isu yihiin baan u haystay ee bahashuba waa reer sariibadoole, bal aan ta ay maanta soo kaxaysatay eegno”

Waxa ay ku hadlayaan oo dhan waan maqlayaa. Oo ninkan Fajac waxa aan u haystay oday weyn oo macruuf ah oo aniga wax ila wadee, oo ninku inuu nabadda ila ilaalinayo ayaan u haystaye, waar bal hooggan kaalaya.
Halkaas marka xaalkaygii marayay ayaa talo igu caddaatay. Nabaddii oo halis ku jirta, bisadihii oo aan iga baqaynba, iyo odayadii oo gadhku gadhka aad moodday maaha igu noqday. Talo ayaan doondoonay, bisadaha la heshii ayaan ku goostay.

“Naa heedhe bisadyahay inaadeer haddii aynu is afgaranno ka warran? Kalluun juuna la yidhaahdo oo wallaahay macaankiisa aad dhegaha qiiq ka keenayso ayaan kuu hayaa, bal ka warran haddii aynu heshiis saxeexanno?”

“Waxba kama qabo, laakiin waa inaad saaxiibaddayna xisaabta ku dartaa”

Waar heedhe billee bad isku faruurtay, oo awel heshiis bisado iyo dad dhexmaray hore ma u maqashay? Oo maxaa kaa galay wixii nabaddu ku badbaadayso yeel.

“Waa hagaag, adiga iyo saaxiibaddaaba heshiis baynu yeelanaynaa, kalluun baana idiin qoran idinkuna nabadda kartuushkaas ku jirta ila ilaaliya”

Waxba kama qabno intay igu yidhaahdeen ayay markay dhawr qasacadood oo kalluun ah ka saareen miiskii dukaanka iska dul seexdeen. Dhankaas dhan dheh. Halkaas markaan xal ka gaadhay oo aan is idhi nabaddii dhinacaas waa ka nabad ayaa cillad kale soo korodhay, ciyaalkii oo intii hore ka soo batay ayaa yimi.

“Adeerayaal maxaa doonaysaan” ayaan ku idhi intaan qaar kala hor tegay, awel dhagac bay odhan jireen maanta se waa isa soo mutuxeen, col kaa shax waar yaa kaa dammiinta.

“Bisadahayaga ayaannu doonaynaa”
“Dee heshiis baannu bisadaha kala saxeexannay”
“Heshiis annaga la’aantayo soconaya oo bisaduhu geli karaan baan jirin” Talo ayaa iga kala duushay, yaryarku biqimaayaan, bisadihiina way dhergeen oo iimaba jeedaan, odayadiina jaadkii baa ku duxay oo go’aankii ay kalfadhiga 125aad la tegi lahaayeen oo aan weli la isku waafaqin ayay ku murmayaan. Waxaas oo dhanba wax baa ka daran, dukaanku imika waa waddo halaq oo kadinkii yaraa ee aan ilaalin jiray maaha, albaabkiisu mid aan cidba ka celin karo maaha, nabaddii waa taas bannaanka taal.

Adigu xiniinyo wixii igaga hadhay, intii bisadaha iyo odayadu iga saareen maahee, ayaan isku buuray oo yaryarkii heshiis la galay, nacnac joogto ah inay leeyihiin baannu isku raacnay. Waxa se arrintaas iga raacday waqdhac weyn, kun ciyaal ah ayaa meeshii isugu yimi oo wada macaandoon ah. Arrintaasi waxa ay ka cadhaysiisay bisadihii oo iyaguna kun bisadood oo kale keenay. Xaalkii wuxuu noqday halis, in nabaddu faraha ka baxdo ayaa xaajo ku sigatay.

Meeshu waa dukaankaygii. Arrimaha maamulkiisa aniga ayaa iska leh. Magan wixii ii ah sida nabaddaas kartuushka ku jirta in aan ilaaliyo, dhiiggayga u huro, u dagaal iyo dedaal galo waa xil i saaran. Haddaba waxa aan idiin sheegayaa bisado iyo ciyaalow ii dhaafa dukaankayga inta aanay nabaddu faraha ka bixin.

“Waar arrintan annaga ayaa Daahirow dhexgelayna ee nagu daa” ayay Fajac iyo Amankaag si wadajir ah u yidhaahdeen.

“Idinku nimanka dunida igu kharribay baad tihiin, ma nimankiinna dukaankaygii albaabka keli ah ee aan ilaashan karo lahaa intaas le’ekaysiiyay baa maanta talo kale iisoo jeedinaya? Wallaahay waashmaan baan qoranayaa in aan ciyaal iyo bisado toona soo dhowaanayn”

Taladaydii ayaan ku socday. Oday idaacadda Hargeysa Ingiriiskii qoray oo afaf badan ku hadla, laakiin imika asaasaqay oo weli in Ingiriis boqortooyo ballaadhan yahay u haysta, oo had iyo jeer kanaalkii Suweys iyo Naasir aan kaala dhammaanayn, se waashmaannimada aad ugu wanaagsan oo golihii murtida iyo madadaalada ee Muqdisho ilaalin jiray ayaan iska qortay. Xisaabtaba kuma darin in ciyaalku bisadaha eryan doonaan, bisaduhuna dukaanka dhex yaaci doonaan, odayguna duq dhacaya yahay oo turunturroon doono. Miridhkii ugu horreeyay ee uu shaqada bilaabay ayaa bisad xumi mid ciyaal ah u hanjebtay, isna wuu kula booday, halkaasay ka qaraxday, ilaahay baan ku dhaartee meeshaas waxa siigo iyo galaayuus ka dhacay waxa aad moodays seyladdii hilibka ee Hargeysa.

Bisadihii iyo ciyaalkii waxa u dagantay guul aanay filaynba, kibir bay sii qaadeenba. Bisadihii waxa ay yidhaahdeen annagu hilibkan kalluunka ee qasacadaha ku huuray ma rabno, waa in kalluun nool oo boodboodaya oo aannu inta aanaan cunin eryanno naloo keenaa. Ciyaalkiina waa ka sii dareen, nacnac dambe oo aannu aqbalaynaa ma jiro ayay yidhaahdeen, waa in xalwad joogto ah nala siiyaa, Jimce kastana shaaglaydh dhooqo u eg Yurub na looga doonaa. Arrimahaasi wax aan qaadan karo way noqonwaayeen, nabadda in halis la geliyo ma oggoli.

Talo kale ayaan goostay. Waxa aan samaystay ilaalo hub fiican oo wax dila sidata. Si kale oo nabadda lagu ilaalin karo ayaa ii muuqanweyday. Konton ninka ugu liitaa axmaq shiishka yaqaan yahay ayaan soo qortay. Dukaankii oo dhan baan ku xeeray.

Ceeb kale ayaa se dhacday, in dalka oo dhammi wada ciyaal iyo bisado yahay xisaabtaba kuma darin. Aroortii dambe ayaan ku toosay dukaanka iyo agaagaarkiisii oo dhan oo wada ciyaal iyo bisado ah. Ilaaladii oo aan awelba ku ogaa geesinnimo ayaa iyana derbiyadii dukaanka qoryahoodii la fuulay. Fajac iyo Amankaag oo jaadkoodii iska cunaya ayaa iyaguna xiisadda meesha ka oogantay ku war helay, talo gabowday ayay iisoo jeediyeen:

Intaan labada dhegood faraha geliyay ayaan ilaaladii ku amray inay ciyaalka iyo bisadaha shaqo ka qabtaan. Rasaas aan la isu miidaan deyin ayaa hawadii oo dhan qabsatay. Show bisadaha rasaasta lalama helo, ciyaalkii adigu askaxooda ayaannu gurray laakiin bisadihii dayuusiinta ahaa rasaastii lala waa. Sidii ilaaladii, wixii ciyaalkii ka hadhay iyo bisadihii, oo aan mid qudhi wax ka noqon, isu baacsanayeen ayaa rasaastii naga go’day, waar illayn hoog lama qarsado. Tii aan ka baqayay ayuun baa dhacday. Ciyaalkii iyo bisadihii oo isbaacsanaya ayaa dukaankii isla soo daf yidhi. Anigana taladaydii waxa ay noqotay kartuushkii nabaddu ku jirtay uun beegso.

Amankaag baa la isugu kay keenay markaan arkay bisadihii oo aan kartuushkaba u jeedin iyo ciyaalkii oo bisadaha uun eryanaya. Sidii la isu daba meeraysanayay ayaa bisadihii oo midwaliba jiir naaxay, oo aad wallaahay Fajac oo dhal ah mooddid, sidataa dukaankii ka fushay, ciyaalkii wixii ka noolaana mid iyo bisad ayay tuurta ugu qaateen. Waxa isku soo hadhay anigii oo fajacsan, Fajac oo fajacsan, Amankaag oo amankaagsan iyo kartuushkii oo gees u ciiray.

“Waar bal nabaddii aan ka wardayo” ayaan labadii oday ku idhi oo kartuushkii furay mise nag. Waa madhan yahay. Waxa aan kula dhacay qoorta mise konton dalool oo jiirkii naaxay ee bisaduhu qaateen ku sameeyay ayaa ka furan.

Waxa aan aad ula yaabay oo weli madaxayga ka degi la waxa nabaddii aan dukaankayga ku hayay ee ilaalinayay ku dhacay.

“Waar Fajac xaggaad u malaynaysaa inay u digarogatay?” ayuu Amankaag weydiiyay Fajac.

“Horta aan u xiiqtirtee i sug. Kollay waxkasta oo dhaca nin Daahir uga lexejeclo badan helimaynee”

Wax alla wax ay isweydiinayaan ma aan garan, mid se waan hubaa oo nabad waxa ay ka tashanayeen ma ay ahayn. Col kaa shax waar maxay bahashu soo jeed iyo werwer i badday, oo sow waxa aan dukaankaba u furtay hawl aan dhammaanayn.

Xus: Maandooriyuhu degdegga uu maanka u doorin karaa waxa ay ku xidhan tahay xaddigiisa, qaabka uu yahay, iyo barta uu dhiigga maskaxda qabanaya ka raaco. Haddii uu qiiq yahay wuxuu raacayaa hawada la falgasha dhiigga wadnuhu tuuro, haddii uu yahay mid dareere ah oo lagu muday xidid dhiiggu xawdaa hayo wuxuu raacayaa dhiiggii. Haddii uu yahay mid lagu muday goob u dhow xidid maskaxda toos ugu xidhan, sida dareemayaasha sanka gudihiisa ku yaal, wuxuu maanka u istaadhayaa si degdeg ah. Nooc kasta oo uu yahay xaraaraddiisu way kacdaa, soo na degtaa. Siyaasadda, qabyaaladda iyo nabaddu ma u malaynaysaa inay qaabkaas oo kale u tarmaan, wax u dhimaan, waxna u anfacaan?


©ccc2008
Cabdillaahi Cawed Cige, Liverpool UK edleh@hotmail.com
]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=612 Wed, 30 Apr 2008 16:19:32 +0100 Yaa Qalay Adoogay? http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=607

Walaal, kaalmee agoonta!
Sheekadan waxa qoray wiil yaraa ee agoon ahaan jiray. Waxa loo hibeyn, lagu na maamuusi agoonta Soomaaliyeed.
_____________


SOODHOWEYNTII MEYTIDA

Absuge, agoonki Cabbeey Makaraan, haddii gadaal uu dib ugu noqdo carruurnimadii, waxa uu soo gocanayaa codkii hooyadii arooryada Khamiisaha ay isaga ugu digi jirtay.
"Maandhow biriga waa Khamiis. Meytadii aa na soo haysa. Guriga ciyow wada haaq oo biyo na ku bilbil."

Dabadeed hooyodii waxa ay aadi jirtay suuqa si ay uga soo iibsato waxyaabo kasta ee loogu baahnaan karay in cambuulo lagu sammeeyo -- sida digir, lamma kabbo oo sariir macsar ahayd, murxo buneed, kiilo sonkor, caleem shaahi, qorfo iyo heyl, jaawi… iyo alaabo kale. Maalmaha qaarkood, gooraha qaar, mararka ay faraxsanan tahay, waxa ay Absuge ugu qaadi jirtay "digri" ay ka soo baratay Siyaaradii Buubaaye Aw Makanne.
Anbuulaa galleey la tuummi
diireey ki ma'adehee;

maneey dhaaysi [subag] eey leheen
dhammaanteed dhagaanjiyaay….

Lix jir oo kale ayuu ahaa; ama se waa uu kaba sii yaraa. Isagu na si aabbehiisii ka geeryooday uu ugu soo dhoweeyo baraako kabkab ahayd; waxa uu aadi jiray Carragaduudda (meel berigeedii loo yaqaannay Dhiigtaarreey: waa meesha maanta ay dhacdo xaafadda Xamar Bile); Carragaduuddu se sidaas ugama sii fogeyn gurigooda; mararka qaarkood dhowr jeer ayuu ba iskaga daba laaban jiray si uu ciid kale uga keeno.

Intii tabartiisa ahayd ayuu god yar yaanbo ku faagan jiray; ciidgaduudda na maroogsin ayuu ka soo buuxsan jiray. Madaxa saar ee la dhiikacso! Sidii qof wareersan waxa uu hadba geesaha ula dalanbaabbiyo ba; gurigii ayuu dib u soo tiigsan jiray; badanaaba, waxa uu iman jiray iyada oo ayan hooyo weli ka ba soo laaban suuqii Wardhiigley. Ciiddaas cusboon ayuu dhulkii ku kebbisi jiray.

Absuge yaraantiisii kama uusan qaloon ama cabsoon jirin weydiimaha ku saabsanaa Eebbe Weyne, Nabow Maxamed, geerida, wedka, sheekh, shariif, xer, aw, khaliif, suufi, macallin, kabiir -- iyo waxa dadku ay ugu yeeri jireen, "geeri-gacan-dheer": cirfiid ka soo baxaya qabrigii lagu duugay ee cawooyinka dibadaha u meehannaabaya si uu u helo qof uu dhiigga ka miirto. Waxa uu is weydiin jiray in aabbehii ahaa marsoobbaxa la sheegayay ba iyo in kale? Weydiintan keliya ayuu dadka ka ba reeban jiray. Malaha ma aan uu doonayn in carruurtu ku caydo dadcunnimada aabbehiis? Aabbe dhintay? Aabbe bahaloobay?

NIMANKII KHAMIISAHA IMAN JIRAY

Fiidaddowga maalmaha Khamiisaha, habeenada Jimcooyinku ay soo geli lahaayeen, waxa gurigooda iman jiray laba wadaad iyo nin geeryooday. Shii Xanfar, indhool ayuu ahaa; Absuge ayaa ba ul kagaga soo hongeyn jiray aqal hoorri ahaa ee ugu oollaa buuladii Buur Hindi; iyo Macallin Fatuuro, nin aad u dhallin yaraa. Ninka dhintay waa Absuge aabbihii: waalid isaga wiilkiisii ba ay si uun u kala dahsoonaan jireen.

Hayeeshee labada wadaad af uusan garanayn ayay cabbaaro ku wada daldalmi jireen. Waa dambe ayuu Shii Xanfar weydiiyay afka ay ku wada heesayeen isaga iyo Macallin Fatuuro. Cutushkii ayaa u sheegay in uu ahaa Qur’aan iyo Manaaqib. Si baas ayuu se ugu sii qeexay.
"Leey ilaaha, sallalaahu wassallim! Hees maahin! Waa afkii Ilaahey. Waa warka keliya aas adoogaa haddaan kuu kasi karo bo."

"Adoogeygi af Soomaali ma kasaayo miyaa?"
"Afka dadka dhantay waa Khur'aan jaw."
"Khuraan? Khuraanka af maashee waaye?"

"Heeh! Heeh! Waryaa Khuraanka afkii Ilaaheey waaye! Af Carawi waaye!"
"Aabbehay af Carawi ma yakhaannaa?"

"Heey, nabee! Waa yakhaan. Waryaa! Siis u kaseynin? Khureyshti aas bo Janno la joogaahe!"
"Habartayne iida af Carwiga ma takhaan?"

Macallin Fatuuro ayaa wiilkii ku afjigay, "Arrooy! Ma habartaa? Yaa iida maa wili dhimatay hee? Xaadse geeri ugu saraadee, hiindadaa? Qumayahow!"

Absuge oo argagaxsanaa ayaa weydiiyay, "Sidee ku barateen afka Ilaahey? Adii iyo Shii Xanfar ma horaad u dhimateen? Ma lamma cirfiidaad tihiin?"

Cabbaarkaas goortii la marayay, macalinkii oo xanaaqsanaa ayaa Absuge dhoorkii dheeraa kaga dhegay, kolkaas na sidii ari Carbeed u jiiday, ula na dhowaaday bowd uu qariyay geedka saarsaarka la yiraahdo. Dhowr serbi inta uu ka soo goostay, iskugu na wada soohay sidii dawliga ceelkii, ayuu wiilkii haragga kaga siibay. Cod karaamo awnimo watay ayuu se ku qanciyay hooyo Biyood oo aad uga carootay dilka loo geystay agoonkeedii. Si ayan Biyood uga xummaan waxa uu ka raariday in wiilkeedii Sheydaan ka dhex hadlayay.

"Ma cunug agoomahaan gacantaydaan u quuraa? Waxaan tumaayay ba waa shaydaanu rajiimiye," ayuu Aw Fatuuro cod naxariis laga dareemi karay ku yiri.
Oday Xanfarkii uu Absuge usha u sidi jiray na waxa yiri, "Wallaahi, tallaahi, leey ilaaha sallalaahu! Fatuuroow. Ba'awga wili si oo faaylan u sii nig dhaw!"

Dhawaaqii Shii Xanfar waxa uu maankii Biyood u tebiyay farriimo gacmaheeddii ka dhigay nacabkii u labaddibleyn lahaa wadaad u oomanaa dhiigga wiilkeedii. Hooyo si mintid ahayd ayay ugu qabqabatay, ugu na dhigaysay halgaadihii Aw Fatuuro uu Absuge ku jiidi-jiidii lahaa.Balowgii ayaa ka dhammaaday, wiilkii. Absuge se, waa ku ayaankaas! Nasiib badnayaa se!
Haddiiba waxa gurigii mar soo wada galay adeer Faralle, adeer Jeesgooye, iyo adeer Diraac. Buuqii ka dhacay lagama wada sheekeyn karo. Ogow se, Aw Fatuuro dib dambe in uusan u imaan karin gurigaas ayaa si cad loogu sheegay.

UURKUTAALLOOYIN

Hal wax ayuu Absuge weligiiba se dareensanaa. Aabbehiisii loogu sheegay in uu guriga wax ka joogay ayuu intaas u cabanayay. Warcelin yar na kama uu helin. Waxtar na kama helin. Ciidan na kama helin. Dadnimo na kale, taas haba sheegin. Waxba isuma ayan ba ahayn. Aabbehaas dhintay. Absuge waxa uu ka qoomameeyay ciiddii uu dartii u soo qoday, u na soo daldalay… iyo gurigii uu awgii u hagaajiyay ba. Abbe wax-ma-tare ahaa.

Mid kale na dareen ayuu u lahaa. Lama taaban karin ilmo adeer Jeesgooye. Lama maagi karin ilmo adeer Faralle. Sidoo kale, ilmo adeer Diraac. Ilmo adeer Yoolac, kuwaas yaa ba agtooda isku mari karay. Waa aabbeyaal dhaba ahaa. Waa abbeyaal noolaa. Meel xawaalo la yiraahdo na ilmahooda, hal maalin na, kagama ayan soo baadi jirin.

MOODDO GEERIDA KU SAABSAN

Haayoo dhimashadu ba waagaas waxa uu u moodi jiray "diiq geeryoonayay oo kale; wedka na, Oday Duurdaye oo kale". Odaygan, malaha, waa Soomaaliga dhabta ah ee Absuge uu weligii ba arkay. Duurdaye. Soomaali run ahaa. Duurdaye, si ka duwan sidii Absuge hooyadii, marrehii Shii Xanfar iyo awsaantii [digri-salaankii] Macallin Fatuuro ba, -- ama si loogu wada fahmo sida ugu wada wanaagsan: afkii Ilaahay -- waxa uu kaga sii kalsoonaan jiray faalkii Bucur Boordeel, iyo xiddigiskii Maaxi Mayow, iyo dhaawgii Siiddii Tarashle. Jinni iyo jaan sixir lagaga xijaabo adeegsiga suuligiisii cusubaa, Tarashle ayaa Duurdaye ku yiri,

"Orgi raaya-dheeraa waa iniid baarlawaanka [suuliga] u khashid; haddii taaseeti ka bihi karinne, diiqoo ne allaa ka dhigee, muqsusha inii dhiiggoo luwu bafiyo [rusheeyo] waaye."
Sidaas daraaddeed, maalin maalmaha ka mid ahayd, Oday Duurdaye waxa uu doonayay musqushiisii cusbayd in uu diiq ugu waqdhaacimo.

Waxa ahayd lix-jirkii Absuge kahor. Berigaa isaga ahaa, berigaas dhiigga la qubi lahaa, ayuu Absuge la kulmay Oday Duurdaye oo weli u middi sahanayay si uu diiq-dooro u bireeyo. Markii ugu horreysay noloshiisa ayuu arkay diiq madaxbeelay oo iskaga daba wareegayay sidii in uu ka caweynay goob shabashabo.

Laakiinse, haddana waxa uu arkay isla haddiiba sida biyo karkarayay haddana loo dhex kuday, dabadeed na baalashii lagaga sii wada rifayay, loo xuubsiibay, cadcad na loogu sii jarjarayay. Haddii se uusan arki lahayn tifidda iyo jarjarka diigga lagula sii kacay, waxa uu iska rumaysnaan lahaa in diiqu na dib ugu soo kici lahaa sidii Axabeeygii suuxsuuxi jiray oo kale.
Faylasuuf yar ayuu ba Absuge ku soo baxay. Weydiin ba weydiin kale ayay oodda ka rogtay. Waxa uu had iyo jeer is-weydiin jiray:

"Maxaa u wacan in Axabeey oo aan la qalin inta uu iska dhinto, sida diiqii na u rafrafto -- misana in uu dib iskaga soo noolaan karay?"
Isaga ayaa isu warcelin jiray, "Mindhaa Axabeey isagu dad ayuu ahaa? Oo hee? Maxaa aabbehay haddaba u diiday in uu dib u soo noolaado? Ma Axabeey, cuuryaankaas liitay, tolow, miyuu ka ba sii abuuris liitay?"

AARGOOSI

Waa dambe ayuu adeer Yoolac ka bartay xeer Soomaaliga ugu mudanaa: "qofkii rubad gooyo ba; isaga na in la gooyo". Goor waxa la soo gaaray agoonkii, haddeer, uu isagii na wax dili karay. Qofnimo ahaan, baxaallii ahaan, wiilkii waxa uu ku soo baxay Yoolac oo inta taagan. Dad kale ayuu xataa ka bartay halyaynimadan: adeer Yoolac ba waxa Xamar ka soo ridday in uu dilo ilaal [askari] aabbihii Mudug horey ugu soo dilay. Wed, dable, ayaa toogtay awowe. Adeer Yoolac aabbihii. Waa murugo dhacday waagii Saldanadii Cali Yuusuf. Geesi, daddil, ayuu ba Adeer Yoolac u arkayay. Absuge waxa uu doonayay in uu noqdo geesi. Dilaa ku dhaqmo xeerarka aargudashada. Sida Yoolac ba.
Awgii go'aankaas uu qaatay, maalin maalmaha ka mid ahayd, faylasuufkii yaraa, Absuge, agoonki Cabbeey Makaraan, halyay qaangaaray, waxa uu hooyo Biyood weydiiyay:
"Ii sheeg! yaa qalay adoogay? Ma Duurdaye mise wed kale?"…
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A. M. Yusuf | wayeel@operamail.com

]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=607 Wed, 30 Apr 2008 16:11:19 +0100 “Somalia fell in the hands of the black colony of Abyssinia” http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=606
sulaan garyare

Somalia is located on the Horn of Africa, with an estimated population of between 9 and 10.5 millions. After 17 years and many attempts to restore governance since the overthrow of Siad Barre’s regime in 1991, Somalia has had puppet government backed by Ethiopian troops for over three years but it is a weak government that cannot control the country, because it is incompetence and illegitimate.

Over the past 17 years, Somalia has become divided into clan-based regional entities, leading to political segregation and the localisation of power and authority. Violent conflict between factions has been widespread in many regions. Islamic “Sharia” law has been introduced in certain areas to promote law and order alongside traditional systems of jurisdiction. The economic and social situations in Somalia have been negatively affected by the political crisis and the high incidence of violent conflict. The 2004 World Bank Report confirmed that Somalia is one of the poorest countries in the world, with a per capita income of US$226 and with 43.2% of the population living on less than US$1 a day.

Unfortunately, this is the case for Somalia, where anarchy, violence and chaos have taken place for 17 years. Somalia is one of the nation state building exercises which appears to have established as a permanent characteristic on the international scenery. In order to understand the main circle of violence in which Somalia is today, it is necessary to briefly examine some key incidents in modern Somali history:As a result of the division of Somalia between Britain, France, Italy and Ethiopia during the late 19th century, there are substantial Somali populations living in Djibouti, Kenya and Ethiopia which has caused domestic and regional problems.

Colonial powers came to appreciate the strategic location of Somalia after the Berlin Conference, which initiated the “Scramble for Africa”.The arrival of Britain, France and Italy into Somali lands began in the late 19th century and quickly the area disintegrated into British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland. Both countries sought expand their control, enlisting locals to fight the every wars aimed at their own subjugation.

When the newly independent states of British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland united to form the Republic of Somalia in 1960, the union impacted heavily on the political status of clans and lineages (Cornwell, 2004). With dependence on Soviet support in the late 1960s, Somalia’s declared Socialist block.

When the US withdrew aid to Ethiopia, the USSR, with Cuban support, quickly shifted from Somalia and went back to Ethiopia, in the result of hostility and aggression that increased into the new Cold War in the areas (Cornwell, R. 2004). In that context, led to Somalia political disaster because both Western and Eastern blocks have been playing role in order to achieve their geo-political interest without giving Somalia to real political, military and financial aid. With that result, Somalia become politically disintegrated and collapsed at the late 1990s. Since 1991, Somalia, where the warlords are the worst of the group, they are the primary responsibility for the problem of the Somali people. Looting, banditry, greedy warlords and well armed groups have dominated media images of conflict in Somalia. As Ikwunze (2000) described, ‘The gang alleged led by an influential chiefs in the community, brazenly and openly carry out its nefarious activities behaviour resembling economic predation in collapsed state like Somalia’. These warlords will never reconcile or put arms down unless forced to.

The United Nations intervened to restore hope in Somalia in 1993. That operation failed because the warlords fought the UN troops and UN peace keeping troops withdrew from Somalia a year later. First, the clan system was used cleverly by the dictatorial regime in pitting clan against clan that has resulted in hate and distrust which is widespread in the clans. Secondly, the lack of financial and technical assistance resulted in the failure of the state. Thirdly, a central form of government encouraged corruption and conspiracy (Global policy org. 2006).

Social formations were characteristic in Somali society. Political mean and cultural values linked up with economic composition by the way of the ideology of kinship thus creating an interlinked net of social economic and political institutions. As a result, an individual Somalis location in any of these structures the society automatically included its kinship therefore the Somali society did not accept the way of nation state but they did accept a character of kinship (Lyons & Samatar 1995).

The hostility of the Ethiopians to the Somalis is based on: religion, greed, annexation of regions; desire to control Somali tribes, ambition to occupy the coastal areas of Somalia. and plans to crush the dream of Greater Somalia.

There is no difference among Ethiopian rulers from Menelik to Zenawi when it comes to tackling with the Somalis. Ethiopian rulers believe that brutality and humiliation is key weapon to vanquish the Somalis. Divide and rule is the second weapon in their choice particularly in the current era of warlords in Somalia. Somali people had always engaged in stiff liberation struggle pioneered by the national heroes such as Imam Ahmed Gurey, Mohamed Abdullah Hassan, the SYL, SNL leaders and other liberation movements in defence of their country and religion.

The tyrannical Tigray Regime in Addis-Ababa has always sabotaged and disrupted all these previous conferences. It was regrettable that the Tigray regime has had a plenty opportunity to manipulate the selection and creation of puppet administrations inside Somalia with hidden agenda to serve Tigray’s interest. Eventually, the Tigray regime has realised its dream of conquering and occupying Somalia in the pretext of defending the interim authority formed in Mbagati Conference (Kenya).

The enemy (Tigray) has invaded the country when it realised that Somali people are quite capable of pacifying Somalia. For instance, during the brief control of the Union of the Islamic Courts of Somalia, leaders managed to restore law and order in most parts of Somalia in a short period of time. For six months, the Somali people had enjoyed living in harmony, peace, calmness and renovation.

The U.S. worked hand in hand with the Ethiopian invaders at every level of the Ethiopian military, while U.S. jets persistently caused terror from the air. Once the Ethiopians had placed themselves and their puppet Somali "government" in the capital, Mogadishu, the Americans sent their other African proxies, the Ugandan and Burundi military, to make up most of the weak African "peacekeeping" force in Somalia.

The Somali resistance to the Ethiopian invasion consider the African peacekeepers in Mogadishu to be agents of the U.S. and, concerning the Ugandans and Burundians they are right to attack. If there were ever a formula for bloody and protracted war in Somalia, it is Ethiopian occupation, which is already unifying diverse elements of the Somali population in fighting (Thanks of Allah).

There is also great cause for concern about the situation in southern and central Somalia, and in particular Mogadishu. The situation for civilians in Mogadishu has grown intolerable.In December 2006, Ethiopian forces with US support ousted the coalition of Islamic Courts from Mogadishu and other areas of south-central Somalia in a lightning offensive.

Ethiopia's intervention in Somalia is closely linked to regional security domination, including a proxy war with Eritrea and the support given to the ONLF and other Ethiopian rebel movements by groups in Somalia. The armed conflict in Mogadishu has steadily escalated since the Ethiopian-backed puppet Government (TFG) established itself in Mogadishu in January 2007.

Since January 2007, the resistence(maqaawamo) has waged almost daily attacks on Ethiopian and puppet government forces, including several suicide attacks. In response, Ethiopian forces launched two major offensives on large areas of Mogadishu in March and April in 2007.

Ethiopian troops indiscriminately bombarded resistence(maqaawamo) strongholds with barrages of "Katyusha" rockets, mortars and artillery, making no apparent effort to distinguish between civilians targets. While the precise number of civilian casualties is not yet known, estimates range more than 6,000 deaths resulting since fighting began According to United Nations officials, the humanitarian crisis in Somalia is more than a million Somalis fled their homes.

The war will also weaken Ethiopia, which is more than a third Muslim and home to many peoples that oppose the dictatorial regime in Addis Ababa. If the leaders of the United States were searching for a plan that would kill hundreds of thousands of Africans, they have found it. According to Human Rights Watch “Tigray troops are destroying villages and property, confiscating livestock and forcing civilians to relocate to urban centers, in an apparent attempt to separate the civilian population from the ONLF rebels operating in remote rural areas. Villagers are threatened if they refuse to relocate”

The Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS) was formed last year (2007) in the Eritrean capital Asmara, declaring to force Ethiopia out of Somalia.
As ARS considered, the Tigray troops which occupied the country illegally should be forced to withdraw the country as soon as possible. It is the right of the Somali people to have the independence to decide its own destiny without outside intervention.

The International community must support the Somali people in their looking for a genuine political reconciliation which cannot take place until the Tigray forces leave the country which will crate a safe, suitable and neutral environment. The alliance believes that the Somali solution to be in negotiation and political discussion. The solution of the Somali people is in the application of the Islamic Sharia and it is good custom.

The International community must bear in its responsibility in implementing resolutions passed by the Security Council particularly resolutions regarding Somali affairs and to advocate Charter of the United Nations in relation to the independence, unity and sovereignty of Somalia. The alliance strongly believes that the Somali people have the right to liberate their country from the Tigrayn occupation as set in the United Nations Charter.

In conclusion, the United States-backed Ethiopia renewed occupation in Somalia is not unavoidable, and can only be explained on the basis of external interest engaged in zero sum politics. it was created by series of policy choices, carefully skilled and controlled by Meles Zenawi, with financial and diplomatic cover of the United States, and United Nations Security Council and to a less significant level European Union; and carried out and legitimized by the puppet government to achieve multiple objectives of those who invested in it: For Zenawi it is the survival of his regime and access to the see Somali ports(use as necessary for him); for the United States it is the war on terrorism.

Thus, Somali people have no chance in this military occupation, which tries to fit former warlords through Ethiopian military, which means Ethiopian military will stay as long as warlords are in power, because the warlords are politically broke, and will not be able to endure without Zenawi’s protection for them and the Ethiopian occupation of Somali soil.

By: Sultan Mohamed Sultan Garyare
The Head of Social affairs’ office of the Alliance for Re-Liberation of Somalia



]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=606 Sun, 16 Mar 2008 19:56:11 +0000 Dharbaaxo http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=604 sow inaan dhunkado ciidda taan dhaxashadaa maaha? sow dhuuxa ubadkii ku jiray tuu dhursugo maaha? sow waxa dhalaan loo korshaa dhaqan rugeed maaha?… dhexdayada ninkii soo galaa ee dhibo ka doonaaya ee dhaan shisheeyaad wataa sow ku dhiman maayo? dhudhub oodan kii kula damca ee bohosha dheereeya isna kuu dhegoolaynayaa sow ku dhici maayo?…
Bamfas, Cali Xasan: Dhambaal

Ilaaloda Garruun Unturow, labo maryoclas, ayaa isla murdinayo hambo ay soo reebeen saraakiil Tigree ahaa. Qalbacyada dariishadoha /Xeradii Banaadir Astedader/ [Maamulka Banaadir] oo rasaastii ka soo dusi jirtay awgeed u ekaaday canjeero Amxaaro, ayay ka daawanayeen Suuqii
Boosto-Bulug oo bililiqo la buuxdhaafsanaa.

Waxa kale oo ay arki kareen halowga hoobiye ee kaga soo duulayay Xaafadohii Xamar qaarkood, kaasoo iyaga ku beerayay lahasho jecleysiin in Soomaaliya ay degdeg dibadda uga qaxaan, carro kale oo ay ka aadaan ba, kol ay ku tahay in ay raacaan doonni taallaa buuraaleyda tuuladii Mareero; dabadeed na haba loo dhiftee hoos iyo gunta Gacankii Cadmeed si ay ugu dhintaan dhimasho madow ama ba kalluunkii ay weligood ka soo caagganaan jireen loo cunsiiyo iyaga oo weliba ku riyoon: sida ay uga dhex luflufan lahaayeen qashinqubka Buurohii /Nuqum/ iyo /Caybaan/ -- dukaafadoha tuuran waddooyinkii Sanca, magaalomadaxda dalkii Yemen.

Mid ka mid ah labadii Maryacalas, Xeynuuf Fooleey, labaatan-jir ay bidaartu madaxiisa u hoolhooshay sidii ilmo qabo xiiqdheer, ayaa yiri, "Yac. Ee waa se ku ceebtaas. Madaxweyne la dharbaaxay! Biriga, dhaqankaan ku noolahay waa ciilkaanbiyaa. Geeriyaa noo wada qoran. Nabee
waa mooggii ama la dalaabi jiray ama '/ha noolaato/' la qaadi jiray."

"Haa haddoo!" Maryacalaskii kale, lixdan-jir aan afkiisa loo oqoon hal ilig, Tuuryare Meeyrre ayaa yiri, "been nacalleeyaa ku taal. Dabadhilif meel ii xanuuni mee. Diin, qarannimo, reynreen, dhereg, caafimaad, iyo awood aan soo lahaa jiray, iyo liibaan kastoo kalee la mahadiyo. Woyane
na an Soomaaliya ima keenin; usna anigu ma keensan.

Tigree inaw wax iga ba'sho maahee waxbo iima badin. Mooggaan se is dammoodo, ma rumaysa karo qiiroda say u gashay korkayga -- biri kasto ba kistoo xanaaq ah, ciil joogto ah -- hadba na ay damiirkayga u saaqday si aan ciyow loo dareemi kareynin.

Ogoobeey lama sii ogaa karo dadnimada ay caroda qaarkeed kugu
abuuri karayso. Igaarkaygow waa ka weynahee ogow. Dharbaaxada waa mid lagu kacshay awal ba Madaxweyne hurdaayay! Waxaan se rabi lahaay in ay kiciso Soomaalida wili iska ba hurdeyso. Yac. Waa se ku quurtaas. Farajirjirkaas. Taariikhdaas fooshaxun ee ilmoheenna loo dhigi doono!"

Dabadeed Xeynuuf waxa u noqday dhegeyste aad ugu dheganugulaa waanooyinka iyo waayaragtida waayeelka. Oday Tuuryare ayaa haddaba sheekeyntii la wareegay: "Dowlad-ku-sheegta la yiraa Embegathi, igaarkaygow, ma og tahay saan ugu naxo! Baraareheeda oo dhan, xooggeera oo dhan, nooligeeda oo dhan, waxaw ku xiran yahay dhuuniqaatenimo, taasoo mar dhow na sii jiri doonin.

Anigu waa halgami doonaa. Waxii igu dhaliyay inaan Madaxweyneha u hiilliyo bal aan in yar kaaga sheego -- sababta aan u go'aansaday inaan Tigreega ka aargudo. Sida geesiyaalka qaran ba, aniga na jecaylka dalkayga iyo ummaddayda ayaa i daaray, wiliba si gaara jacayl Soomaalinnimo.

Bal se aan kuu sheego sababta aanan qurbe ugu dalaabi doonin. Hadda kahor ayaan Xeebtaas kula kulmay aabbe igala weynaa aabbeyaal Soomaaliyeed oo idil, ruun Mareero, hal sano kahor, waxyar kadib Maxkamadoha waagii laga adkaaday. Xeeb qurux badan. Qaxootiga reer Geeska Afrika meeshaasay ku kulmaan. Urur ama isutag ka aqli xun se abidkay ma arag.

Waa meel qorraxdu xaanida u dubayso sidii qaloon digireed; duulku waa ba ay kuu faraxsan yihiin, waa ba kuu dhoollacadeeynayaan. Bal gees ka joogso oo day sida ay iskaga dabo meehannaabayaan. Marba horin ayaa ku soo ag mareyso xiran dhar uskag badan, kaasoo ay la gelayaan huurka badda goorta ay gaaraan dacalloda hirarka xoorinayaa ay ku soo maaxdumayaan; biyoha ayay haddana qunyar ugu sii dhex fogaanayaan, hadba na u tallabsan sitaahooy ka baqayaan hafasho iyo in meel mool ah ay ku dhex dhacaan.

Inyar maahee intooda badan ma dabaalan karaan. Halkaas ayaad na ka sii garan kareysaa intooda shirqoolka burcadda badeedda ka sabatabbaxi doonto. In ay badda ka cabsanayaan waxaaad ku ogaan kareysaa sida ay hirarka uga soo kala yaacayaan. Halkii mowjad ee soo humbaalleeyn ba, waxa ay sababaysaa hirar qaxooti ah in dacalloda xeebtii ay ka soo fiigaan.

Aabbehaas Soomaaliyeed ee aan ku soo hadalhayay, markii iigu horreysay oo aan xeebtaas ku arko si weyn ayaan ugu qushuucay, ugu na muraaqooday. Waxa jira aabbeyaal ay weynidoodu ciyoon ba ku kasbanayso. Waxa aad moodaysaa in aad heshay waalid noloshaada ka maqnaan jiray; aragtidiisii ayaa ku deeqeyso, xataa haddii uu kaa geeryoodo, adoogaas oo kale lahaantiisii awgeed, waa mid aanad weliga dib dambe u dareenteen wax agoonnimo la yiraaho. Kalgacalkii
weynaa ee aan u qaaday… iyo aheey! qarracankii gadaalo iigu soo xigay.

LA SOCO QEYB II ... JIMCEHA SOO SOCDA

A. M. Yusuf | wayeel@operamail.com
Khamiis, Febraayo 28, 2008

]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=604 Mon, 3 Mar 2008 21:34:55 +0000 Waa Kuma Abwaanka ugu Weyn Soomaalida? http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=603
Duur looma jabin geesigii dirirta waynaaye
Kun kaloo ciyaar lagu dilay iyo dawgal baa jiray
Oon deer deero u hardiyin sida dugaaggiiye...
Wax badan baa karbaash lagu dirqiyey duq iyo wiilkiine
Nin garkii camuud loo daray oo dabada loo xayday
Oo ulo dubka iyo jiirka suga lagu daliigaayo
Oo kuman dadkiisii ahaa daawasho u joogto
Oo aan la diirine farxaan lala dareeraayo
Waa dabac idiin gooniya oon duulna waafaqin
Afqallooc: Sheekh Bashiir
Abwaan Yuusuf Maradoon Cali waa nin ka dhashay Midgo la liidi jiray. Guri ijaar ahaa, Magool (aun) ay ku noolayd ee ku yaallay gadaalkii dambe ee Tiyaatarka ama Fiera della Somalia (Xaafaddii Sheekh Suufi), horraantii 70-meeyadii, ayuu galabihii ama fiidadkii tegi jiray. Yuusuf, halkaas, qol fadhi ahaa, ayuu soo joogi jiray inta uu doono. Cunto iyo qayilaad. Dabadeed na, cariish qeyb ka ahaa guri ay iska lahayd islaan la oran jiray Aay Faay Kafalle ayuu u soo hoyaad tegi jiray -- Wardhiigley.

Dhowr dermood, weliba duug ahaa iyo hal jooderi oo qunbe ahaa ayuu agab oo dhanna ka qabay. Nin waxa uu ahaa inta badan qaadan jiray macawis qurxoon, jaakad, kabo saandal ah, iyo shaar iyo sigsaan iyo koofiyo cadcad. Joog ahaan mana dheereyn, mana gaabnayn. Nin waxa uu ahaa lagu manneystay fil Soomaaliyeed iyo gibil maarriin ahaa. Nin waxa kale uu ahaa la siiyay hiboda ka-sheekeynta, iyo soo-ifbixinta xatatooyin horey dadku aan ay u dareemi jiray. Isaga qudhiisa ayaa ba ahaa sidii "Hibo" -- waxa uu ahaa jilaa gole-joogsigiisu, iyo soohorjoogsigiisu ba ay dadweynuhu ku naalloon jireen.

Nasiibdarro. Waa se abwaankaas weli dahsoon. Soomaalidu isaga waxba ugama oga sida misana ay heesohiisa wax uga wada og yihiin. Heesoha Yuusuf Maradoon waa kuwo, intoodii badnaa wada qarxay. Macenha, waa heeso u wada caanbaxay, loona wada yaqaanno sidii Magool.

Waxa aan rumays nahay in Maradoon uu ka mid yahay abwaannoda ugu waaweyn ee Reer Waryaa. Waxa aan na u maleeyaa in aan og ahay sababtii uu u sammeeyay heestiisa la yiraahdo “Waqti”. Eeg sida fudud oo ay ereyadiisu u soo tebinayeen dareen culus, kaasoo aan ay weli Maryooleydu qaadan karayn jiritaankiisa. U fiirso farrinta uu 1963-kii u dirayay, gebi ahaan Soomaalida, gaar ahaan dowladihii loogu soo shubi jiray sanduuqyadii ma ahan dooorashooyinka, bal se qabyaaladda.

Akhristow, bal intii cabbaar ah gasho hubkii uu xiran jiray -- cimaamaddiisii caddayd, bakooraddiisii... – oo habeentiriska na dib u celi. Gadaal ugu laabo Soomali-Jaceylkii jiray 1960-maadkii. Dabadeed, adiga oo jilaya noloshii Ina Maradoon, heeladkaas na dhex taagan, bal carceersi ku akhriso tuducyoda soo socda:

"Waqtiyow dhismeha guud dowlad aan dhaliiloo .......[dhisme=doorasho]
dhibaatda i gaadhiyo ka war qabin dharaar qura:
dhaqankaan ku noolahay,
dhallinyaro intaan ahay.

***
dhegaha iyo araggaba
ka dheeree agtayda
aah aah aah aaheey!"

Mooddo [fikrad] kasto oo soohdimahoodii la arki karayo waa mooddo kooban. Mooddadii kooban na waa fikrad yar. Waxii yar na male-awaalkeenna ma dherjin (buuxin) karyaan -- iska ba illow in ay hafiyaane. Mooddooyinka waaweyn se afkalqaad ayay kugu ridayaan. Waa ay ku hafin. Is weydii ama baaritaan ugu noqo hadaltiroda maansoole Soomaaliyeed oo badan.

Ii soo hel tix ama maanso afkalaqaad, ashqaraark, anfariirk, naxdin, jaceyl, qarracan… iyo layaab kugu riday ama kugu abuurtay ama se kuu soo lahayd ba? Mooddooyin sida cirka, buuraha, habeenka madow ee xiddigohiisa na intaa inaga dul libiqsanaya, hawdka bahlo-galeenka ah ee dhawrta leh, iyo badaha oo ah kuwo inagu wada beerayaa lahashooyin aan abidkood nusqaamayn, kuwaas oo muugga maaankayagu aan uu wada qaadi ama ba wada qaadan kareynin.

Markasta oo aad waxyaabohaas ka sii fekertaa na, waa mar kasta ay kuula sii fogaanayaan xuduudo aanand soo koobi kareyn. Haddaba, aan ku degdego in aan iska idhaahdo: "waxii aan la soo koobi kareyn waa wax waarayaa, waa wax abid si joogto ah u joogi, una joogi doono."

Sida ay waxyaabohaas waayweyn ay male-awaalkeenna u hafinayaan, waxa jira iyana waxyaabo yaryar ee isla sidaas si ka geddisan inooga sii libdhaya meelo ama siyaabo bidhaantoodii hore aan ay isheennu u sii arki kareynin. Ama, waxa jira waxyaabo markoodii hore ba naga qarsoonaa, markaas ayaan awoodda male-awaalkeenna ku WEYNEYSAN kareynaa; dabadeed na waan qeexi kareynaa soohdimihoodii. Waxayaaabohaas inaga soo dhunsanaan jiray layaab dambe inooma ba yeeshaan goorta se aan iyaga daahyadii ka furno.

Kaalintan waa doorka keliya ee suugaanta u gaadh ah. Waayo buraashka, qad kasta oo la daro, meel ka mid ah wadanehayaga kuma dhigi karo dareen lahasho sida ay maansado ugu qoomi kareyso dareenno aan koobneyn -- dareenno aan la sheegi kareyn meel ay ka soo billaaban iyo meel ay ku dhammaan.

Maadama aan maanta hadlhayay abwaan Yuusuf Maradoon bal kaaga soo qaado hees kale ee uu kula hadlaayay walaashii nin saaxiibkay ahaa, kaas oo la liitay cudurka qaaxada la yiraahdo. Abbaayo weliba maalqabeen ayay ahayd. Ninkaas waxa loo yaqaannay “Fannaan”. Fannaan horraantii 1972 ayuu ciil awgii, dalkii hooyo, kaga dalaabay. Maalin kahor subaxii uu anbabixi lahaa ayuu duubay hees, iyo hees kale uu gadaalo ka qaadi jiray Axmed Mooge Liibaan (aun). Billaa ay maalin uun Abbaayo ogaataa: tiiraanyadii uu walaalkeed kala haayiray xaafaddii Wardhiigley. Isla sanadkaas ayuu ku dhintay magaalada Siyeedlow, NFD. Fannaankii, halkaas ayaa na lagu duugay.

Heesta ma wada xasuusto. Mirta ugu horreysa se weligay ba ma illoobin:

"Waxaa lagu ogaa gabar inay uurnuglaatoo
Qofkii aabbahaa dhalay aayda laguma lummiyee
Anba kuma illoobeen adoo u eg sideydee ....... [sarbeeb cudrkii Fannaan]
Aqoon-yari carruurnimo iyo adoon eegin tii hore
Ima ogide waxaan ahay ruux itaaldarreey.

***
Abbaayooy macaaney Allaa igu ogsoonoo
Abbaayooy macaaney immika waan soconayaa
Aan se kula dardaarmee: maxaan kugu idhaahdaa?"

“Aan se kula dardaarmee: maxaan kugu iraahdaa?”, su'aashaan dareenka ay qalbigayaga u direyso, dareen la halmaala: ma jiraa, haddee, Buraash iyo Sawirle Kale ee inoogu soo dhejinin karayaa bog internet-ka ah?

Intaas oo dhaan waxa aan u soo dig iyo damleynayay, akhristow, si aan kuu dhacsiiyo in maansadu ka awood sarreyso, iskaba daa aslitaanka (sawiraadda); waa se mid xataa laga sii sare mariyay taariikhda iyo falsafadda oo la isku kabay. Laashimki reer Koonfureed xaw yiri, “Dhedhem moofaa leh; dhereg na maankaal”. Sidaas oo kale, waxa aan anigu odhan lahaa: “Dheeh, muuqaa leh; dhumuc na, maansaa leh”.

Abwaan Maraddoon aragtida uu ka qabay nolosha waa mid aad u sii yareyd, aad na u sii budeysanayd. Isla goortan la joogo ayay weli u dhigantaa jariir (biriiq) aan ay arki karayn il Soomaaliyeed oo badan. Sow nooleha ama waxlaha qaarkood araggeena kama qarsoono illaayo, kuma darin, la inoo hooskeeno mikoroskoobka? Mooddooyinka, abwaannada qaarkood na waa tabtaas oo kale. Fiiro la'aan, kuma ogaan kareyno. Waa in aan maankeenna hooskeennaa, fiiroda na, kolba aan iskugu xoominnaa bar ka mid ah fikraddihii abwaanka. Ogow se, waxaa aalaaba dhacda, tiiyo aan ujeedno in misana aan ka ba ilduufno. Qatifow, qoryaha raro! Taas oo kale waa midda aniga i qabsatay.

Waa dhigmo u baahan qoraallo dhaardheer. Waxaad oran kareysaa Abwaan Hadrawi, Abwaan Hebel, Abwaan Kale, Abwaan Kooyi… waa abwaanno wada muuqdo. Ogow se, wax kasto oo muuqdo misana ma noqdaan sida loo arkayo ama ba ay u eg yihiin; sida duwan oo ay uga caansan yihiin qofnimoda uu Abwaan Hadraawi ba ku lahaa, "Dhimir bay ku sareen dabool baali kaa dhigaye" (Dhulgariir) -- si ka sii mudan ayaa malaha jiri karta, si lagu sii kala ogaan kari lahaa, taas oo lagayaabee aynaan innagu weli ogaalkeeda lahayn: Waa kuma abwaanka ugu weyn Soomaalida? Haddee sidee ugu mudan ee lagu garan karayaa?

Badarka ba haddaan la shiidin, hufin, laxoox kuu roon e; qoosh ba ma noqdo. Horta yaa abwaannadeednna inta buudeeyay, kala hufay, biyo ku radiyay, qooshay, kadib na rooti inoo wada cuntami karayo inooga dubay? Abwaannadeenna qaarkood waa dab, qaar waa dhardhaar (ama dhagax), qaar na waa dheef. Marka aan qaar kaaga sheego, Hadraawi iyo Maradoon iyo qaar kalee badan -- waa dheef. Inta harsan, male-awaalkaaga ayaan
ku maamuusi lahaa. Akhrisrow, walaal, adiga ayaan kuu soo hibeyn.

Abwaan Hadraawi ba waa uu carrabbaabay in ay jireen dad nolosha lagu aasay, mise? Ma taqaan ciddahaas la aasay?

Maxay adiga adiga kula tahay? Bal adigu, haatan, dib isu weydii. Maxay ku nool yihiin maanta “dhallintii waddanka iyo dhulka”? Dowlad sidee ah ayay ku hoos nool yihiin? Salaan Carrbeey ba sow ma oran, “nin libin kaa xisdiyay xumihii waa yaabe”. Haddii aan la is xasdeyn, anigu ma arag abwaan, sida Yuusuf Maradoon, qiirooyin naadir ah ( qaali ah) igu dareensiin karay dadnimo aanan haddii kale kuu ba dareemi lahayn.

Anigoo hataan cirroobay miyaan weliba garan la'ahay dareenkii dhaliilaysanaa ee uu Midgaanku horey uga soo qabi jiray mustaqbalka Soomaaliya? Haddii uu ereyga midgaan yahay mid tilmaamayo qolo xun, qolodaas waa, mindhaa, inta aan anigu ugu horreeyo; Yuusuf Maraddoon, marna ba midgaan noqon mayo uu. Midgaanku ba waa dagaaloogeha uun -- kabaleefkaas xun. Midkaas la dharbaaxay. Hal Tigree xataa , iska daa’ wax kalee, looma ba caayin!.

Xeynuuf Fooleey waxa uu oday Tuuryare ku oranayaa ereyo xambaarsan dareenkii aan ka dhaxlay Ina Maradoon (Dharbaaxo), “... Biriga, dhaqankaan ku noolahay...”

Xeynuuf waa qofnimadaydii qoraa. Qofnimadeydu waa Midgaan. Libaaxii Itoobiya ayaa igu soo galay cimilkii ii oodnaan jiray. Bulsho qeylodhaantayda maqlaysaa ama iga kicinaysaa na ma ba jirto. Keligay ayaan ahay. Midgaankii la haybsooci jiray oo kale ayaan noqday. Gaalo iyo islaan wax ii garabayaa na ma jiraan. Ma nabsi ayaan galabsaday? Ma walaalkay ayaan qixiyay? Maxaan kugu idhaahdaa?

Muxuu yidhi Faarax Shuuriye,

"Geesi libaax ku gawdiidsadee garab u hooseeya ...... [midigtii ay birtu xigtay]
Oo ay guutadiisii ka kicin gocumalow aarka
Ee uu guudka kala saaran yahay miciyo gaalleefa
Gallad Eebbe mooyee in Ilaah uga gargaaraayo
War sow inuu go'aa lama oga galowdu raageynin."

Adkeeda, horta Soomaalida Maanta waa dad aan isu ba diirnaxeyn, miyaa? Sharafbeelka nagu dhacay, ii soo sheeg wixii aad ka tidhi Abwaanka Soomaalida ugu Weynow?
.
A. M. Yusuf | wayeel@operamail.com
Khamiis, Febraayo 28, 2008

]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=603 Mon, 3 Mar 2008 21:24:36 +0000 Maxaa Loogu Baahan Maansooyinka? http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=602 A. M. Yusuf | wayeel@opermail.com

"Wixii qooma aadmiga
Ee qabkiisa dhaawaca
Ayaa qeexi oo dhili
Oo sarbeeb ku kala qali"

Bashir Goth: Qudbigii Suugaanta

MA OG TAHAY BISHII JANNAAYO abwaan lagu anqariyay af Soomaali, abwaan yaraantiisii na lagu barbaariyay dhaqan Soomaaliyeed, weynaantiisii na noolaan jiray nolol suugaaneed; sida misana suugaan baroordiiqeed ay uga dabo tagtay isla arooridii ay ku tiil xabaashii lagu soo aasay. Way! Allow, Soomaaligow, ogaan lahaydaa waxa aan uga jeedo ereyga aroori. Arrimoha aan dooni lahaa in aan halkaan akhristeha ugu soo bandhigo walow ay ka fog yihiin baroordiiq; ogow se wax ba ayaa jira igu dirqiyayo, haddii kale igu ba hodayo in aan Xasan Sheekh Muumin (1931-2008) soo carrabbaabo.

Weli allaan si aad ah u gocdaa cod ilmoha xasilin ogaa, hees maanta ba weli carruurta Soomaaliyeed loo qaado, sida Eeddo Culuso ay ugu luuqeyn jirtay:

Hoo waa yaa Hoo waa
Habartaa ma joogto
Korya koonfur aadday
K abaheedii illatay
Kabaxkabax u roortay
Dammeer qaaq leh erisay
Sii socotaana moogi
Soo socotaa na moogi
Hurdooy Hurdooy kaalay
Indhaha Nuunnoow shab ku dheh
Shab ku dheh shalalax ku dheh…

Yaa og inta aan reerkayagii ka sii socon doonno? Yaa og inta aan reerkayagii ku soo socon doonno? Laakiin se, heesta kore kolley waxa ay ubadkayaga u hurdisiin si ay nolosha dib ugu soo baraarugaan. Ma hubo maansoda baroordiiqeed sida ay u xasilin kareyso rubad go’day? Waa se mid wax inaga barayso ilbiriqsiyo ka soo mid ahaan jiray mooddooyinkii iyo dareenkii, baxaalligii qarannimo, hankii Soomaalinnimo, himilooyinkii indheergaradnimo, halgankii suugaaneed, iyo yididdiilooyinkii Abwaankii tegay? Si kale haddii aan u idhaahdo, ma laga yaabaa in baroordiiq oo idil ay ku saabsan tahay uun "rajooyin hungoobay"? Ma garanaysaa waxa aan kaa wareysanayo? Billaa oo ay geeridu ina kedisaa tiiyoo Geedkeennii Quuddarreynta na, iska daa’ miro’e, wax la yidhaahdo man ama ubax ba aan uu weli midkoodna dhalin. Dareenkan silloon oo kale ayaan weligay u soo lahaa geerida ku timaad
qof kasto oo aan jeclaan jiray. Geerida abwaan Xasan na kama reebbana. Marka aan si kale u eego ba, murugadeydu ba waxa ay ku saabsanaan wedka nolosha nagu qabsan karayo asii aan la iskana qaban kareynin. In kasto oo aan in badan u baroorto dadkaygii uu wedku ina kala qaaday, run ahaan, ilmoda iga daadanayso waxa ay waraabkiisii noqon uun geedkaas uurkayga ku dhex yaal; duul iil ka hoos la jiifiyay na, mindhaa, dib dambe uma soo kiciso. Waa se nadiga lala haleeli senge uu ruuggu caddaaday oo kale. Sow faraska ba looma karbaasho si uu u tiigsado dhul dheer? Haddaba, maansoda baroordiiqeed waxa ay kugu kicinaysaa halgaad xanuun badan; si aad u kordhiso hardaftii iyo raacdadii aad nolosha ugu sii jiri lahayd uun.

"Ka gaar inta aad weli ka gaari kareysid," ayay na kugu canaanan. Sidaas awgeed, maansadu qalbigeenna ayay ku oollaan inta innagu aan weli u kala dhexeyn nolol iyo geeri –- if iyo iil. Eeg sida maansadu ay abwaanka u soo wehelinaysay laga soo billabo Dhabtii Hooyo lagu na geeyo Dhuuxii Boorama.

Intii uu weli adduunka ku noolaa, abwaanku waxa uu maqli jiray hees-carruureedyo, hees-hawleedyo, hees-walwaaleedyo… illaayo gadaalo na, maleha, waa uu maqli jiray maansooyin qalaad, sida:

"waa shay macaane cuna mallaayga…"
ama
"goormaan ku raaxeysaheennaa arimaheennna…”
ama
"bacdaa dhuuqso yaan lagaa boojeyn…",
iyo
maansooyin kale oo iyaga la bah ah.

Iska jir. Ha moodin in aan liidayo maansodan nooceeda ah ee aan aan anigu ula baxay dan-maal. Maanso dhalanteed ah. Maanso loo halabuuray, kuna saleysan danaysi uun. Maxaa yeelay waa maanso loogu dawgalay farriimo degdeg ah in ay maankayaga ku dhigto. Maansoda dhabta ah se, si ka duwan midda dhalanteed, waa marka hore, waa mid haditaankeedu (fahamkeedu) uu maanka kugu daalayo; waayo wax ay kaaga warceliso iska daaye waxa ay kuula iman, kuguna soo balleyn: weydiimo adigii ba kaa sii da’weyn. Aadkeeda, ma u fiirsatay gedda abwaan Xasan Sheekh Muumin, maansodiisa la yiraahdo “Aqligii Wanaagsan,” sida habdhaceeda uu ugu tilmaamayo duurjoogta, isu na barbardhigayo tankii iyo tayodii ugaadha; iyo sida isla haddana Soomaalidu ay waxyaabohaas qaafil uga wada yihiin, una u wada moog yihiin? Maxaa ku wacdaro ah, adduunka! Hayeeshee rogaalceliska, kucelceliska, hooriska heesta ee layaabka leh, "Aqligii wanaagsan itaal inuu ka roon yahay bal eegoo u fiirsadaay," adiga ayaan ba kuu deyn lahaa hadba midkood uun, midkoodii uu kaaga dhiganaan lahaa su’aal ama jawaab -- may, waxa aan uga jeedaa su'aalo ama jawaabo.

Haddee kala garo. Goorta maansoda dhalanteed la adeegsanayo, ku-soo-celcelinta isla halkii hooris waxa ay akhristeha awoodsiinaysaa in uu durba aqoonsado tixo aan lagu larin ama labin: curis diimmoon. Si taa ka duwan, haddaba, maansoda dhabta ah, maansadoda farshaxaneed, ku-soo-celcelinta isla halkii hooris waxa loo adeegsadaa si loo fogeeyo feejignaantii dhegeysteha/akhristeha, mid doolaalo ku geyn dhul qurbe ah -- si loo raajiyo ama ba daahiyo fahamkii. Maansoda farshaxaneed waxa ay tooyan (doonaysaa) hawraarro gaw ah si ku-soo-celcelinta isla halkii hooris aan uu u yeelan isla ujeeddodiisii hore oo kale; waayo ma habboon in loo qaato, misana, in abwaanku waayay tixo kale ee uu halkoodii ku buuxiyo: Ogow! Hoorisyoda farshaxaneed waxa ku kaydsan su'aalohii uu abwaanku dhafoorkayaga ku qodqodi lahaa.

Aniga oo xuskii Abwaan Xasan Sheekh Muumin intaa ku soo koobi doono, sow gunaanad wanaagsan ma aha in aan ku soo afjaro, hees isaga ku xidhiidhin yahaaburkii kale ee fanka Soomaaliyeed -- Cabdillaahi Maxamed Maxamuud Xirsi oo loo yaqaannay "Qarshe"; -- teeryo inta uu weli fir ka harsanaan doono qolo Soomaali ah, weligeed ba, hees Soomaalida fari ama ba bari doonto:

Aqoon la'aani waa iftiin la'aane
Waa aqal iyo ileys la'aane

Ogaada ogaada dugsiyada ogaada
Oo aada oo aada wlaalayaal oo aada

Waa oomanaa iyo abaare
Omos iyo oon biyo la'aane

Ogaada ogaada dugsiyada ogaada
Oo aada oo aada walaalayaal oo aada

A. M. Yusuf | wayeel@opermail.com]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=602 Thu, 14 Feb 2008 21:38:26 +0000 HRW says the Meles regime committed mass murder, torture, rape http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=601
Government forces committed serious human rights violations, including rape, torture, and village burnings, during a campaign against Ethiopian rebels in eastern Somali Region (Region 5). Abuses also took place in other parts of the country, notably in Oromia State where local officials carried out mass arrests, extra-judicial killings and economic sanctions.

In March and April 2007 in Mogadishu, Somalia, the Ethiopian military used heavy artillery and rockets indiscriminately, in violation of international humanitarian law, killing hundreds of civilians and displacing up to 400,000 people, as they fought an escalating insurgency.

In Addis Ababa, the government pardoned and released dozens of opposition leaders and journalists detained since the post-election crackdown in 2005. However, the press remains hobbled and local human rights organizations operate with great difficulty.

Abuses in Somali and Oromia States
In June, the Ethiopian military launched a major offensive in Somali region, the eastern third of the country inhabited by ethnic Somalis. The offensive was a response to increasing attacks by the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a longstanding armed opposition movement demanding self determination for the region. In April the ONLF attacked an oil exploration site killing nine Chinese oil workers, 50 armed guards, and 28 nearby villagers; the group was also allegedly responsible for two bombings in May that indiscriminately killed 17 people, mostly civilians, and wounded dozens in Dhagabur and Jigjiga, the state capital.

In the five zones affected by the conflict, the Ethiopian military retaliated by razing entire villages, carrying out public executions, raping and harassing women and girls, arbitrarily arresting, torturing and sometimes killing suspects in military custody; and forcing thousands to flee their homes. They also imposed a commercial blockade on the affected region and confiscated livestock—the main asset in this largely pastoralist region—exacerbating food shortages.

In July, the government expelled the International Committee of the Red Cross and restricted access to the affected region by other international humanitarian agencies. Restrictions on humanitarian agencies were slightly eased in September and October, when the government permitted the UN to conduct an assessment and open regional offices in the affected area.

In Oromia, Ethiopia’s most populous state, government authorities have used the fact of a long-standing insurgency by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) to imprison, harass, and physically abuse critics, including school children. Victims are informally accused of supporting the OLF, an outlawed rebel group, but supporters of the Oromo National Congress (ONC) and the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM), registered opposition political parties, suffer similar treatment. In early January, more than thirty students were arrested and at least one, a tenth-grader, died as a result of police beatings in Dembi Dollo, western Oromia. Other students were severely injured and hospitalized. Also in January, local police and militia members in Ghimbi shot two high school students dead, one as he and others were walking peacefully along, the other as he covered the body of the first with his own in order to protect him from further harm. In March security officials allegedly executed 19 men and a 14-year-old girl near Mieso in northeastern Oromia. Starting in August, federal and state security forces arrested well over 200 people in western Oromia, including three members of the executive committee of the Nekemte chapter of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council and OFDM members, on suspicion of links to the OLF. Some, including the EHRCO officials, were released under court order after the police failed to provide evidence against them but most were still detained as of early November. At least 25 were being held in defiance of court orders to release them.

Farmers in Oromia who fail to support the governing political party are denied fertilizer and other agricultural aids over which the government exercises monopoly control.

Abuses Relating to the Conflict in Somalia
Thousands of Ethiopian troops were deployed in Mogadishu and other parts of Somalia in late 2006 as part of the military campaign to oust the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) and install the Transitional Federal Government. In March and April 2007, the Ethiopian military indiscriminately bombarded large residential areas of Mogadishu with mortar shells, artillery, and “Katyusha” rockets, killing hundreds of people and causing up to 400,000 people to flee the city. Ethiopian forces made no apparent effort to distinguish between civilian and insurgent targets, and they shelled and occupied several key hospitals located in the frontline areas. (See Somalia chapter)

In collaboration with TFG forces, Ethiopian troops detained and sometimes beat hundreds of men in mass arrests in Mogadishu in June and July. Dozens of suspected ICU supporters who fled Mogadishu in December 2006 were detained by Ethiopian forces in Somalia or by Kenyan officials at the border, and rendered to Ethiopia in January and February, where they were held in incommunicado detention for months of interrogations, by US security agents, among others. At least 40 of the detainees were released in April and May—including more than a dozen women and children under the age of fifteen—but scores of others have disappeared.

Suppression of Free Expression and Attacks on Civil Society
An unknown number of people remain imprisoned without trial after election-related violence following events in June and November 2005, although in July 2007 the government finally released the leadership of the leading opposition party, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) and six newspaper publishers.

In proceedings that became popularly known as “the treason trial,” the government had accused the CUD leadership, journalists and others of using unlawful means to change the “constitutional order,” obstruct the exercise of constitutional powers, promote armed rebellion, and impair “the defensive power of the state,” as well as treason and genocide. In April 2007, the treason and genocide charges were dismissed, but some defendants were convicted of the other charges. The court also ordered three newspapers to be closed. Shortly after sentencing, most of the defendants were released and all charges against them were dropped after they submitted letters accepting some responsibility for the 2005 unrest. However, two civil society representatives, Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie, who acted as mediators between the EPRDF and the CUD after the 2005 elections, refused to sign letters of regret and insisted on judicial exoneration. Despite flimsy government evidence against them, they remained incarcerated as of early December 2007, two years after their arrest, because of repeated court recesses.

Following the 2005 elections, the government has sharply reversed a liberalizing trend and subjected independent newspapers and their editors, publishers, and reporters to renewed harassment, intimidation, and criminal charges. Three journalists acquitted during the treason trial fled the country after their release from jail, citing multiple death threats from government security agents. The government and its allies own all electronic media. It blocks access to internet sites critical of its policies. In October, the government began jamming Deutsche Welle and Voice of America Amharic and Oromomifa language broadcasts, the principal source of news for the rural population.

The government has long tried unsuccessfully to outlaw the Ethiopian Teachers Association (ETA), the largest independent membership organization in the country. ETA’s president, released from six years in prison in 2002, was tried in absentia in the treason trial; the chair of ETA’s Addis Ababa branch was acquitted. Four ETA members were arrested in December 26, 2006, severely beaten, and otherwise tortured to coerce confessions that they were members of an armed opposition group, the Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front. Released in March 2007, they were rearrested in late May and early June.

Lack of Judicial Independence
The judicial system remains unable to assert independence in prominent cases. In the treason trial, for example, the trial judges showed little concern for defendants’ procedural and constitutional rights and ignored claims of serious mistreatment by prison authorities. With exceptions, courts generally allow police protracted periods to investigate for evidence that might support the charges brought by prosecutors; in the meantime, defendants remain jailed without an opportunity for release on bail.

In January 2007 a court convicted Mengistu Haile Mariam of genocide in absentia, and sentenced him to life imprisonment. Mengistu, the leader of the former military government, lives in Zimbabwe under the protection of the Zimbabwe government. Several hundred former officials remain jailed awaiting trial, sixteen years after Mengistu’s overthrow.

Mistreatment of Human Rights Defenders and Civil Society
The staff of Ethiopia’s only nationwide human rights organization, EHRCO, is regularly subjected to government harassment and intimidation. One investigator who fled the country in 2005 was charged in absentia in the treason trial. Three members of the Nekemte executive committee were arrested and imprisoned for fifteen days (see above.)

The Oromo focused Human Rights League, allowed to register in 2005 after years of litigation, remains inactive. Leaders of the traditional Oromo self help organization Mecha Tulama, arrested in 2004, were released without trial in early 2007.

Key International Actors
Ethiopia remains deadlocked over a boundary dispute with Eritrea dating from the 1998-2000 war. The war in Somalia is another source of tension between the two countries.

International criticism of the Ethiopian government’s human rights performance is muted. The United States and major European donor states view the government as an important ally in an unstable region. Ethiopia remains the largest beneficiary of US military and development aid in sub Saharan Africa. The US provided logistical and possibly financial support for Ethiopia’s invasion of Somalia in December 2006 and has not pressured Ethiopia to accede to the Eritrea boundary decision.

Ethiopia is also among the top African recipients of European Union aid. After the 2005 election violence, the UK suspended direct budget support to Ethiopia, but has since increased its aid to an annual GBP 130 million in 2007-2008.

China is an increasingly important trading partner. Chinese-Ethiopian trade has increased 17 percent since 2006, to US$660 million, and Chinese investment has reached $345 million from just $10 million four years ago, according to official figures.

In August 2007 the government expelled two thirds of the diplomatic staff of Norway, apparently for criticizing its human rights record and pressing too aggressively for acceptance of the Eritrea boundary commission decision.
]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=601 Wed, 13 Feb 2008 13:57:03 +0000 Who Spoiled Ethiopian Dream http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=600

After a couple of fruitless attempts from IGAD and the Arab League to mediate between Transitional Federal Government and Union of Islamic Courts, the USA gave the final “GO” to Ethiopian troops to crush the UIC. On December 28th 2006, Ethiopian troops, backed by US warplanes, entered in Mogadishu.
They forced the militias loyal to the UIC to abandon their strong-holds in Mogadishu and its suburbs. The TFG led by the president and the warlords who had been defeated by UIC six months earlier, were welcomed in Mogadishu by Ethiopian officers.

One year after Ethiopian troops' presence in Somalia, a group of Somalis met at the lobby of Watergate Hotel in Washington DC to discuss Somali issues. Like many other Somalis in different parts of the world, the members of the group were not on the same page about Ethiopian troops in Somalia and the TFG’s way of governance.

The groups were:

Shanta Cabdi iyo Cibaado-Suuban (five Abdis and Ibaado-Suuban):

Abdullahi, Abdirahman, Abdisamad, Abdulkadir, Abdihakim and Ibaado-Suuban

Abdirahman: The Somali situation is getting from bad to worst and hundreds of thousands are in unimaginable conditions in the old Banadir area. Does anyone here have any ideas on how we can help Somalia?

Abdisamad: Ghedi is gone, Somalia has a new Prime Minister and from now on everything will be all right.

Ibaado-Suuban: I wish! What makes you sure about that? Nothing was in the hands of Ghedi and nothing will be in the hands of Nur-Adde. Somalia is run by Ethiopians from corner to corner and it will remain this way if we don‘t wake up. Every five years Ethiopians will organize new reconciliation conferences until they become a majority or double the size of the Somali people in Somalia.

Abdisamad: Ibaado, it seems that you were born a pessimist and blame all the friendly countries for your own inflicts. You should just wait and give the new government led by Mr. Nur-Adde a chance to function. I am sure you will be amazed at how well Mr. Nur-Adde will be able to clean up the mess created by Ghedi. Very soon the hands of the TFG will reach all over Somalia from Kismayo to Hargheysa and expand their power in every village.

Abdirahman: As a Somalilander, I came here with good faith and I try to have some kind of leniency for the Somali problems as a whole, but then I meet people like Abdisamad. Instead of recognizing the real problems that Somalia is facing today, Abdisamad is the type to nurture these lies from the merciless mercenaries who are destroying Somalia.

The Ethiopians are shelling the capital city daily, and the TFG cannot either halt them or question their genocide. They don’t even have a spokesperson who can at least tell the world what is happening in Mogadishu. The TFG does not know the number of Ethiopian troops operating in Mogadishu. They come and go when and where they want in Somalia without the TFG's knowledge. Therefore, Somalia’s problem is not about who is replacing who…Ghedi or Nur-Adde, it is about Ethiopia.

Ibaado-Suuban: You are absolutely right. I may “understand” the deeds of those that are ruthless in Somalia, but I don’t understand how a gentleman like Abdisamad, and hundreds like him, talk on BBC, Voice America, and local radios, supporting Ethiopia's presence in Somalia. It surprises me that these Somalis never think about the crimes and the destruction Ethiopia is committing, before they come to their ridiculous conclusions. Ethiopia is not our savior, period!

Abdisamad: Ibaado, or do you prefer Suuban; you should stop holding on to the old animosity with Ethiopia. Now, it is a brotherly country and they are no longer the enemy. The Ethiopian troops are helping the TFG to rebuild Somalia’s peace and security, so you have to understand why I, and others you listen to on the radio, welcome them and defend their presence in Somalia. They liberated the capital city from UIC and warlords, who were ruining my beloved city Mogadishu for 17 years. These warlords killed my family members in the early 90’s. They also took my family's property and I will gladly support my brothers from Ethiopia who liberated us.

Abaado: Oh My God! First of all, if you were looking for revenge for what happened in the 1990’s, the perpetrators were the warlords who are working next to the Ethiopians, helping them to commit crimes in Mogadishu today. Secondly, it is a matter of time when your Ethiopian brothers will come and destroy your native town, once they finish Mogadishu. Don’t forget, what goes around comes around.

Abdullahi: Why are you all in denial? Cabinet ministers, director generals, ambassadors, judges, military, police generals, and all other government factions have been appointed and I know some of them are your relatives too. So, I don’t understand your defiance for all this.

Ibaado: No doubt, there have been hundreds of government officials appointed, but do they run the offices they have been designated to? Over thirty nine ambassadors have been nominated to different countries in the world, and none of them have presented the diplomatic credentials. Where are the ambassadors who are nominated for important countries like: USA, UK, Italy, Canada, Australia and Iraq? They just nominated ambassadors like local District Commissions in their regions.

Abdihakim: Yes, well hopefully, before the end of 2008 Somaliland will be recognized and we will provide a safe haven for Somali people. We can help you have a viable government. Insha-Allah we will lift you from the agony and the mess that you are in.

Ibaado: The leaders in Hargheysa can talk about what is happening in Gaza, Palestine, but not in Mogadishu. Xaasha, make no mistake, the ordinary people of Somaliland made it clear how they are sorry about the suffering of the Somali people in Mogadishu and they condemned the crimes that Ethiopians are committing.

Abdihakim: Are you blaming our leaders for what your so-called leaders created? It’s prudent that Somaliland’s leaders don’t criticize the Ethiopians, because it is against our interest and security.

Ibaado: Wow! A wise man, Benjamin Franklin, once said, “Any society that would give up a little liberty to gain a little security will deserve neither and lose both”.

Abdihakim: Well, it is your problem, because your leaders were repeating the same callous mistakes, including your president who claimed four years ago when he was campaigning for the office that he was imprisoned in Alambakha, Ethiopia in 1980’s for seven years. Then of course he detested when the Ethiopians put their flags on Galdogab and Balanballe after he spearheaded these Ethiopian troops to capture those two towns.

He was showing off to his audience how he was Patriotic…khkhkh. The paradox being that his first request from the international community, soon after he had been elected as president, was to get Ethiopian troops to capture Somalia for him. Shabeel ma raboobo (a tiger won’t be a pet)

Abdirahman: Abdihakim, besides all those facts, Somaliland could not give a safe haven for a handful of journalist who fled from Mogadishu and you think we can save Somalia from Ethiopia. I come from Hargheysa a couple of months ago and I was so ashamed at what I had observed. The Ethiopian intelligence officers socialize with Khat every day, having the highest authority in our government. They instruct whatever they want in the evening and our government carries it out the next day.

I am a diehard Somalilander, yet I believe people in Mogadishu will save Somalia from Ethiopians. At least they are aware of Ethiopia’s goal and they can‘t be used by them anymore. Dhurwaaga ciyaya iyo kan aamusan kee daran (which one is worse the howling hyena or the silent one?). It is time to put aside our differences and find the best way to drive Ethiopians out of Somalia and kilil5.

Ibaado: Thank you brother. Yeah! ….It’s about time!

Abdihakiim: How can we drive them out?

Ibaado: By force. Nimaan warankaagu gelin weertaadu ma gasho (He, who does not feel the pain of your spear will never listen to your words). In other words: When the countries extend their power or authority over others in the interest of domination, they will never give up until the people of the victim country fight back.

Abudllahi: Ok! You’ve convinced me. Does anybody know the most effective way of freeing Somalia from Ethiopia?

Abdulkadir: The most effective way to fight against Ethiopia is non-violence: a) Exhibiting to the world about the atrocities they have committed through writing

b) Organizing rallies and demonstrations in every corner of the world, where ever Ethiopians have diplomatic offices, or any places Ethiopians have representatives inside and outside of Somalia.

c) Diaspora’s campaign through their naturalized country’s political representatives.

Bad leaders have very thin skin for literature and rallies. That is why they suppress the free press and the freedom of speech, therefore we have to beat them through writings.

Ibaado: Well, how long does it takes to convince the world through writings, demonstrations, and rallies about the Ethiopians’ viciousness?

Abdulkadir: In 1989 I met a married couple in a workshop held in Washington DC. They told me that for 20 years, every Friday they would go to the front gate of the White House and demonstrate on the Palestinian tragedy. They never missed their schedule time at 4 PM; even on rainy or snowy Fridays. This couple was not Palestinian, Arabic, or Muslim. They were doing this because they could not stand the unnecessary sufferings of the Palestinian people. Albert Einstein said “The world is a dangerous place, not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing.” Therefore, we should not get exhausted for demonstrating against the Ethiopian brutality as long as we are breathing.

Abirahman: Ethiopia is a powerful country in our region and they have strong allies who support them. They lie about what is going on in Somalia and they claim that they are fighting against terrorism, so how can we expose their lies to the world?

Abdulkadir: Ethiopians are indeed covering their violence through lies, and maintain their lies through violence. However, lies live short and Meles may be able to fool some leaders like Bush, but he can’t fool all the leaders of the world forever.

Ibaado: Still I don’t get it! You want us to fight against Ethiopians through writing?

Abdulkadir: There are many ways to fight back, so we have to look into the best route: Gandhi’s (India) way or Ferhat Abbas’ (Algeria) way; fighting back with non-violence or violence.

Ibaado: I don’t like Gandhi’s passive way of fighting. It takes too long. I like Ferhat Abbas’s fight better. We can finish these guys despite their heavily mechanized army.

Abdulkadir: Please, don’t underestimate the power and the effectiveness of non-violence resistance. How many people in this world know Ferhat Abbas and how many people don’t know Mahatma Gandhi?

Another group of Somalis wealthy men met in Singapore. They were three highly regarded businessmen: Arrale, Iid and Ali-Jamaal.

Arrale: How is the business in your area?

Ali-Jamaal: It is booming. We don’t pay taxes and unlike in your area, we don’t have authority figures interfering in our businesses.

Iid: That is why we don’t like having a government in Somalia. We want to have the "ultimate" free market, which does not exist anywhere in the world. Our businesses are flourishing, even with the Ethiopians and insurgents fighting in Mogadishu.

Arrale: How long do you think this "ultimate" free market will last?

Ali-Jamaal: At least for generations or forever! Khaakahakahakah.

Iid: God bless the Somali Diaspora. They remit billions of US dollars in Somalia and they raised the purchasing power of millions of Somalis. Most of the time we print our own Somali Shillings with Xerox copy machines and we exchange the remitted US dollars. I joined the business community in the late 1980s and I remember the last years of Siad Barre’s government. The remittance was less than one hundred million US dollars. You do the math. We are much better off without a government.

Arrale: The other day I was talking to a friend of mine who lives in Seattle, USA about the remittance. He explained to me that the remittance will end very soon, once his generation is gone. His son who is highly paid does not want to know anybody in Somalia, and doesn’t care to send money to his relatives. This phenomenon is universal for the younger Somali generation. They don’t understand the clan fighting, or how Somali’s can be dependent on their relatives. His son, like many, don’t want to give away their money to someone they don’t know.

Perhaps if they see Somali people doing good for themselves they will contribute to the rebuilding of the country… and don’t forget it is a maybe. Therefore, we have to think about how the future of the remittance and the purchasing power of the Somali people will look like in the coming 20-30 years.

Iid: God! I never thought about that. What are you suggesting now?

Arrale: We have to be honest and stand on the front line about reconciliations and support those who can save Somalia, not the warlords. We have to be proactive in finding the best way to rid the Ethiopians out of our country, and take the leading roles for the rebuilding of Somalia.

While those businessmen were agreeing and shaking their hands in Singapore to do good things for Somalia; Twenty members of the TFG parliament were meeting in Baidoa. They became very ashamed of what they had done to their country since they had been selected in Kenya. They confessed to each other that they had done nothing. Yet, they are responsible for inviting their enemy to their land, causing the death of their people and the destruction of their capital city. At the end they agreed to stand up and reverse the problem they started and fight for their country’s good.

That same week another meeting was going on in Addis. Mr. Zirrow called three of his advisors for a meeting: Asfaum, Tessafa, and Girgis.

Zirrow: What went wrong? We planned to destroy those UIC in a week and now it’s been a year and we are far from a victory.

Girigis: Mr. Minister, wars are like this. Look at Iraq, the most powerful nation in the world is struggling for 5 years to win just the city of Baghdad. Therefore, it is ok if we do not win in Mogadishu right now, even for the next 10 years.

Zirrow: What? Do we have resources like USA to continue a war for 5 or 10 years?

Tessafa: Mr. Zirrow our dream is spoiled by Bush and Indha-adde……I am afraid that our dream is dead.

Girgis: Who is Indha-adde?

Zirrow: Be quiet, you fool! Let him finish.

Tessafa: Indha-adde is a warlord who was acting as a defense minister of the UIC and he provoked us in November- December 2007 for his rhetoric remarks of waging war into our country.

Girigis: Mr. Minister I don’t understand what Tessafa is insinuating. Our dream is dead?

Tessafa: Yes! I told Mr. Zirrow when he was preparing for the war that he is going to wake up a sleeping tiger and that will be the end of our dream.???

Girigis: I thought the war was about a short cut for taking over all Somali seaports within months, instead of waiting for Ethiopians to over populate Somalia for the next 30 years.

Asfaum: I am sorry. Mr. Minister what we were planning for the last 15 years is beyond hope of recovery now. We should not listen to Mr. Bush.

Zirrow: I was ill-advised. Is there any possibility for damage control?

Asfaum: I don't think so.

Tessafa: The best way is to pull out our troops from Somalia and undo all the lies that you were telling the world. Also, we have to apologize to the Somali people and compensate the destruction we caused and help the victims of this misguided war.

Girigis: Are you kidding? Who paid you to talk like this to our beloved Minister?

Zirrow: You are fired and you must hand over all your responsibilities and government properties to your assistant, immediately!

Girgis: Why are you looking at me? His Excellency is talking to Tessafa, not me.

Zirrow: I am talking to you, fool! I also fired Wolde and now you. As a matter of fact you are all fired.

Girgis: You engaged Ethiopia with a stupid war and you blame it on us?

Zirrow: I wanted to do a favor for you, but you don’t deserve it. Guards …Guards... take these two men to Alambakha and make sure I don’t ever see them again!

Tassafa: Zirrow, I am giving you my last advice: Pull our troops out of Somalia at once !

In conclusion, Somali people have understood that Ethiopia was behind all the conflicts among the warlords and the inter clan warfare. Of course, like in the colonial time, there will always be individuals and groups who are blind and will serve the interest of Ethiopia. (Isticmaar u adeege). The change has started and the Somali people are hungry for peace, dignity, and a good government. This new movement won’t be stopped until Somalia comes back with respect from International community. Therefore, I appeal to all scholars, intellectuals, politicians, poets, elders, clergy members, and individual patriots to come and participate in changing Somalia for a better future.

1. Educate Somali people through writing on websites, get on radio and TV talk shows, write plays and poems about Ethiopia’s role in Somalia’s predicament. Also it is important to enlighten the future of Somalia for the Somali people.

2. Take part in non-violent resistance through rallies and demonstrations in every corner of the world. Every Friday afternoon, the Ethiopian embassies should feel the pain their government has caused to the Somali people. We need hundreds or thousands of determined Somalis to play a part in these non-violence demonstrations. Let the Ethiopians and the world see how we are capable of bringing our country back to order, so help us God.

3. Be a part of the political activities and the voting power in your naturalized countries, so you can lobby for Somalia.

4. Organize forums and political platforms for Somali civil societies.

5. Not accepting any more warlord reconciliation conferences organized by IGAD, AU, or any other organizations that Ethiopia is behind or may have any input in.

6. Rejecting clan based 4.5 or similar divisive ways of power sharing in Somali politics.

This is the end of Ethiopian Dreams and the beginning of the Somali Hope.

Thank you to all who have encouraged me in continuing my story since the first part of this writing. God bless you all and God bless Somalia.

Abdulkadir Mohamud (Jangali)
E-mail: jangelione@yahoo.com
]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=600 Sun, 10 Feb 2008 20:52:56 +0000 PRESS STATEMENT http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=599
In the spirit of averting a worst case scenario, the Somali Cause expresses its unequivocal disinclination to support the secessionist aspirations of “Somaliland”.

This week marks the start of the first visit to the United States by Mr. Dahir Riyale Kahin, “President” of Somaliland, the self-declared breakaway region of Somalia. Compared to the rest of Somalia, Somaliland, in the North West, has enjoyed relative stability yet the potential for conflict is real and always just under the surface as was demonstrated recently when heavy fighting over disputed territory broke out between Somaliland and its neighboring region Puntland, in the North East of Somalia (BBC, 01/13/2008) .

In this volatile and dangerous environment, Somaliland seeks recognition as an independent state over contested territory and with no legal foundation. Understandably, no country or international organization has offered such recognition to date.

The African Union (AU) has wisely rejected calls to recognize Somaliland as an independent state understanding that it was likely to set a dangerous precedent that could descend Africa into secessionbased conflicts. The official United States policy on Somaliland rightly defers the matter to the AU stating that “the African Union is the most appropriate forum to address the question of recognition of Somaliland as an independent state” (US Department of State fact sheet, 12/05/2007) Furthermore, in both most recent United Nations’ resolutions on Somalia, 1725 (2006) and 1744 (2007), the Security Council reaffirms “its respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and unity of Somalia.” Official or otherwise, the visit by Mr. Kahin is a marked departure from the stated and official policy of the United States on Somaliland.

Furthermore, it lends much credence to the recently published desire byDefense Department officials to recognize Somaliland as an independent state (Washington Post, 12/03/2007). This at a time when there is almost unanimous agreement that the US supported Transitional Federal Government of Somalia (TFG) has been an utter failure. When there is also agreement that the Ethiopian invasion and the occupation that followed it, both tacitly approved by the United States, have led to a humanitarian catastrophe dubbed “the worst on the continent” by Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, the top United Nations official for Somalia (New York Times, 11/19/2007).

In so far as it is designed to groom world opinion on Somaliland, in general, and that of the African Union in particular, Somali Cause is extremely disturbed by Mr. Kahin’s visit to the United States. On the heels, it seems, of recent failed policies such as the CIA support for warlords (New York Times, 06/08/2006) and the tacit approval of Ethiopia’s invasion (New York Times, 12/27/2006), any efforts to further disintegrate Somalia into mini-states are no more likely to succeed than supporting the ineffectual TFG or the brutal Ethiopian occupation. In fact, they are likely to add more fuel to the fires of the raging conflict in Somalia and the instability of the region as a whole.

Most Somalis recognize that self-serving politicians are behind the calls to secession of the North West region from the rest of Somalia. They also know that the patriotic people of the North West wish to remain in a united Somalia. The legitimate grievances of Somalis in that region against the previous regime should be addressed within the Somali Union.

CALL TO ACTION


�� Somali Cause expresses its strong wish that the United States continues to uphold and respect thesovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia.

�� Somali Cause urges the Defense Department to adhere to the letter and spirit of the official policy of the United States on Somaliland, the official and stated policy of the Security Council on Somalia and follows the example of the African Union in rejecting any efforts to further destabilize Somalia.

�� Somali Cause also appeals to the patriotic people of Northern Somalia to maintain their historic
achievements of uniting the nation after colonialism and to reject the weakness and indignity of a fractured Somalia.

###
Somali Cause is the result of a Union of Somali organizations united to: (a) Work to end the Ethiopian occupation of Somalia and its replacement with Muslim & non-frontline troops with a clear mandate, (b) Educate the world about the plight of the Somali people, (c) Provide humanitarian assistance to the suffering people of Somalia, (d) Provide an alternative to the clan and regional based politics, and (e) Safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia. To join Somali Cause or for more information, please email us at info@somalicause.org or call
us at (202) 285-0780 or mail us at 1425 K ST NW STE 350 Washington DC, 20005-3514.

]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=599 Wed, 23 Jan 2008 23:47:34 +0000 Ethiopia’s Dirty War http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=598

Somalis living in Ethiopia are caught in the crossfire between the government and rebels.It was early one morning in July when 400 Ethiopian soldiers came to Ridwan Hassan Zahid's village of Qorile, 120 miles southeast of Degehebur, Ethiopia, a dusty market town. The small settlement of ethnic Somalis in eastern Ethiopia was suspected of supporting separatist rebels from the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), and the government troops were out to exact revenge.

They took Zahid, another woman, and eight men to the nearby village of Babase, where, she says, the soldiers chased away residents and burned the village to the ground. "I became like plastic," she says. "I couldn't feel a thing."

On the third day after her capture, the soldiers divided the prisoners into groups. As the other captives looked on, soldiers hung one man from one of the parched region's few trees; another was taken out of sight. Soon it was Zahid's turn. A small group of soldiers dug a hole in the sandy ground.

They forced her into it and pinned her down by pressing the barrel of an AK-47 to her throat. As she tried to choke out the words to a final Muslim prayer, she heard two other captives screaming for mercy nearby as a noose was slipped over her head. Two soldiers jerked up on the rope, lifting her out of the hole by her neck, and she lost consciousness.

In Ethiopia's Somali region, a long-simmering rebellion by the ONLF, a separatist group seeking an independent state for Ethiopia's Somalis, is boiling over. Rebels, taking advantage of chaos in neighboring Somalia, attacked a Chinese-run oil exploration site in April, killing 74 people and triggering a massive crackdown by Ethiopia's ethnic-Tigray-dominated government. Government forces have since burned villages, blocked trade routes and carried out summary executions in an effort to quell the rebellion.

Nine months later Ethiopia's government appears to have gained the upper hand, but only by essentially declaring war on virtually the entire Ogadeni clan of Somalis—a group that makes up the about half of the region's 4.5 million people.

Hundreds of civilians have died in the fighting (the ONLF estimates 2,000 killed by the government in the past year, though one independent estimate suggests the figure is less than half that), and 1.8 million more may be at risk, as an Ethiopian blockade has cut off commercial food shipments from neighboring Somalia and prevented the region's nomadic people from selling their livestock. Ogadeni clan elders who have tracked the fighting say people from more than 250 villages have been forced to flee the violence.

Amid a sea of crises in neighboring Sudan, Somalia, and Kenya, the plight of Ethiopia's vast Somali region—an area twice the size of England with just 30 miles of paved highway—has been largely ignored in the West.

After barring the foreign press from the region for months, the Ethiopian government recently took NEWSWEEK and a group of other foreign reporters on a tightly controlled tour of parts of the region. Amid scenes of malnourished children and whispered stories of government atrocities, the defining impression was of a population gripped by fear.

One 30-year-old man selling clothes in the marketplace in Degehebur says he came to the dusty town five months ago after Ethiopian troops burned his village of Leby, 18 miles southwest of the town. Fifty civilians were killed, he says. "At the time I had a shop, a good house," he says, refusing to give his name out of fear of government reprisal. "We are in trouble. We are caught between the Ethiopian government and the ONLF … between two guns."

Such stories, of course, are almost impossible to verify. Ethiopia has firmly denied reports of atrocities and has placed the blame on the ONLF, which it considers a terrorist organization backed by archfoe Eritrea and Islamist militias in nearby Somalia.

In his last public remarks on the subject, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi told reporters in late November that he was "absolutely confident that there hasn't been any widespread violation of human rights" in the region.

Reports of army atrocities amount to "baseless allegation[s] and a smear campaign against our government," says Abdullahi Hassan, the regional president of Ethiopia's Somali region. "This is our people, and we cannot abuse human rights.

That has never happened and this can never happen." Speaking to reporters in the town of Gode in one of the region's more stable districts, Hassan says development in the area is on the rise, trade routes to Somalia are open, and "the situation is completely calm now." The government has "completely destroyed" the ONLF.

Most residents—interviewed in the presence of government translators—voice a similar assessment. But not all do. In a village west of Gode, at a development project where the government is trying to settle nomads on irrigated farmland, a 35-year-old man says violence in the region is continuing. "The Ethiopian government, after they fight the rebels, they often turn on us and kill women and children," he says. "We're very scared. I'm afraid speaking to you now.

There's lots of spies. They're everywhere." He estimates that more than two dozen civilians are killed monthly in the area around Gode, before abruptly cutting off the interview as a crowd gathers.

A blockage of commercial traffic with neighboring Somalia has also contributed to malnutrition. The embargo, together with locusts and drought, have forced grain prices up—many Somalis say prices have doubled in the past year.

The one doctor in the hospital in Gode, Zilalim Eschetu, estimates that 75 percent of the children who visit the hospital are malnourished. "It's a visible crisis," he says. Among the patients in Eschetu's malnutrition ward is two-year-old Sugah Hash, whose emaciated legs curl helplessly on her mother's lap. "We had no food for a few months, so we had to run to this hospital," says Mariam Ali, her mother.

Ethiopian government officials say the embargo was imposed to keep arms and supplies from reaching the rebels and insist that Ethiopia has lifted most trade restrictions. Human Rights Watch, however, suspects that the government has been deliberately targeting its Somali population. "There is no question that in the last eight months the Ethiopian military went on a very intensive scorched-earth campaign," says Leslie Lefkow, a researcher at Human Rights Watch who has tracked the crisis.

To be sure, the ONLF has also committed atrocities in the region. Somali clan elders in the regional capital of Jijiga say the rebels have mined roads, launched grenade attacks on civilians, and stolen livestock from herders. However, analysts say the government has committed the lion's share of abuses.

Western governments don't seem to have put much pressure on Ethiopia to ease the situation. Ethiopia has been a key U.S. ally in the war on terrorism. Zenawi's government has allowed the CIA and FBI to interrogate foreign terror suspects flushed out of Somalia in secret prisons in Ethiopia, as the Associated Press first reported in April.

The U.S. military has also trained Ethiopia's army and in 2006 sold $6 million in weapons to Ethiopia, according to the U.S. defense department—more than any other African country. In December, with U.S. intelligence and logistical support, Ethiopia invaded Somalia to oust an Islamist government that briefly controlled southern Somalia. Somalia has been in chaos ever since, as supporters of the former Union of Islamic Courts government have joined clan militias in battling Ethiopian troops and forces loyal to the U.N.-backed transitional government.

One Ethiopian security official says Somalia's Al Qaeda-linked Islamic militias have played a key role in fueling the ONLF insurgency in Ethiopia, providing funding and arms to the rebels. A spokesman for the ONLF denies any such connection, and Western diplomats say it's unclear whether the two insurgencies are connected.

She complains that her neck still pains her and she can't use her right hand. "We never had links to the ONLF," she says of her fellow captives.

"I am worrying still," Zahid says. "When I sleep at nights I have dreams."
For those caught in the middle of Ethiopia's dirty war, even sleep, it seems, is no respite.

Via the United Nations, the United States been providing food aid for the Somali region, but privately international aid officials say the assistance isn't reaching the worst-affected areas. They have good reason to be discreet: earlier this year Ethiopia expelled the International Committee of the Red Cross from the Somali region, accusing both the country's expatriate and Ethiopian staff of funneling support to the ONLF.

The U.N. has also been tight-lipped about troubles in the Ogaden. In September it sent a secret assessment of the human rights situation in the region to the Ethiopian government and called for a wider probe of alleged atrocities. Nearly five months later, says Frej Fenniche, a spokesman for the U.N.'s High Commission on Human Rights, "we are waiting for the answer from the government."

Meanwhile, the ONLF, fuelled by money from Ethiopian Somalis living in the United States and Britain, vows to continue its guerrilla fight by launching surprise attacks on Ethiopian troops and then melting back in to the region's nomadic communities. "It's a cat-and-mouse game," says Abdi Rahman Mahdi, a rebel spokesman.

As recently as last week, Mahdi says, Ethiopian forces burned a village southeast of Degehebur. Verification of his claim is difficult given the region's scant communication links and travel restrictions. But in Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa, hundreds of miles to the west of the fighting, Ethiopia's dirty war is barely visible. The lone state-run television agency shows only Potemkin-like pictures of development projects in the Somali region, and the country's tightly restricted private newspapers are effectively prevented from reporting on the situation.

The conflict has been visible enough for Ridwan Hassan Zahid, who miraculously survived her would-be executioners. Left for dead, she was found the next day by Somalis from a nearby village who came to bury the corpses. The other nine were not so lucky. Some had been hung from trees, others hung over holes in the ground like Zahid. Some of the men had been stripped naked and their tongues had been cut out.

Zahid hid in the countryside for three days, but eventually she was told the army had learned she was still alive and was searching for her. Then began a two-week odyssey on foot, camel, and finally by truck to safety in a neighboring country, which she asked NEWSWEEK not to disclose.


Source:Newsweek]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=598 Wed, 23 Jan 2008 22:45:13 +0000